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Palestinian genocide accusation: Difference between revisions





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→‎Conceptions of genocide: Prof Hasian is not an professor of genocide, Israel, the Arab world, or Palestine, but communications. There is not reason to give him this much space on the page especially when compared to some of other names regardless of their view on the subject.
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Bashir Bashir and [[Amos Goldberg]] in 2018 described the Nakba as part of "the same modern and global history of genocide and ethnic cleansing" as the Holocaust; although the events differed in "degree of murderousness", they shared a "common global framework of violence created by strong nationalism combined with imperial and colonial ideology and policies", with the Nakba involving the attempt to "de-Arabize and ethnic-cleanse Palestine, which was predominantly Arab in character and makeup for hundreds of years."<ref name=Trauma>{{cite book |last1=Bashir |first1=Bashir |last2=Goldberg |first2=Amos |title=The Holocaust and the Nakba - A New Grammar of Trauma and History |date=2018 |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |isbn=9780231182973 |pages=20–21, 138 |chapter=The Historical Global Register: The Holocaust and the Colonial Framework}}</ref> Meanwhile, [[Alon Confino]] in 2018 contrasted the "genocide" of the Holocaust with the "ethnic cleansing" of the Nakba, describing the latter as aimed at "removing, not annihilating, an ethnic group".<ref name=Trauma/>
Marouf Hasian, Jr. in 2020 stated the Nakba exemplified a situation where "empowered decisions-makers are reluctant to call some historical incidents colonial genocides", while "many Palestinian and other Arab writers" have compared the Nakba to "colonial genocides".<ref name=Debates>{{cite book |last1=Hasian |first1=Marouf |title=Debates on Colonial Genocide in the 21st Century |date=2020 |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]] |isbn=9783030212773|pages=8,10,78,80,103}}</ref> Hasian describes that some "Israelis worry that al-Nakba consciousness-raising threatens state legitimacy", while "many Israeli supporters" do not consider the Nakba as any form of genocide, instead arguing that there was "spontaneous Arab Palestinian fleeing that was based on calls from neighboring Arab nations."<ref name=Debates/> Hasian concludes that "public deliberation, and political events" caused "so many" people to attempt to separate the 1948 Nakba from "the 'real' genocides".<ref name=Debates/> Hasian further highlighted how restrictive "Auschwitz-centered, or Lemkin-like ways" of defining genocide was preventing consideration of the Nakba as genocide.<ref name=Debates/>
 
Marouf Hasian, Jr. in 2020 stated the Nakba exemplified a situation where "empowered decisions-makers are reluctant to call some historical incidents colonial genocides", while "many Palestinian and other Arab writers" have compared the Nakba to "colonial genocides".<ref name=Debates>{{cite book |last1=Hasian |first1=Marouf |title=Debates on Colonial Genocide in the 21st Century |date=2020 |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]] |isbn=9783030212773|pages=8,10,78,80,103}}</ref> Hasian describes that some "Israelis worry that al-Nakba consciousness-raising threatens state legitimacy", while "many Israeli supporters" do not consider the Nakba as any form of genocide, instead arguing that there was "spontaneous Arab Palestinian fleeing that was based on calls from neighboring Arab nations."<ref name=Debates/> Hasian concludes that "public deliberation, and political events" caused "so many" people to attempt to separate the 1948 Nakba from "the 'real' genocides".<ref name=Debates/> Hasian further highlighted how restrictive "Auschwitz-centered, or Lemkin-like ways" of defining genocide was preventing consideration of the Nakba as genocide.<ref name=Debates/>
 
Both Israel and Palestine frequently accuse the other of planning a scheme of genocide.{{sfn|Short|2016|p=70}}

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestinian_genocide_accusation"
 




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