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Rescuing 5 sources and tagging 2 as dead. #IABot (v1.6.1) (Balon Greyjoy)
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The bombings were condemned by the Irish and British governments, and the Irish government vowed to pursue those responsible. However, there have been complaints from the victims' families and others about the Irish government's reaction. The [[Fine Gael]]-[[Labour Party (Ireland)|Labour Party]] [[Government of the 20th Dáil|government]] refused to hold a [[national day of mourning]], because, according to a spokesman from the Government Information Bureau, "More than 1,000 people have now died in the current Troubles".<ref name=mullan133>Mullan, Don. ''The Dublin and Monaghan bombings''. Wolfhound Press, 2000. pp.133-134</ref> The [[Government of the 19th Dáil|previous government]] had held a national day of mourning for those killed in the [[Bloody Sunday (1972)|Bloody Sunday]] shootings in Northern Ireland. A decision was also made not to fly the [[Flag of Ireland|national flag]] at half-mast, but this was quickly reversed.<ref name=mullan133/>
In [[Leinster House]], about 300 metres from the site of the South Leinster Street blast, political leaders spoke about the bombings at the next session of [[Dáil Éireann]]. Statements by government ministers appeared to suggest that the bombings were an inevitable result of the IRA campaign.<ref name=mullan133/> [[Taoiseach]] [[Liam Cosgrave]], of Fine Gael, recorded his disgust and added:<ref name="dail0272.197405210027">[http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0272/D.0272.197405210027.html Dublin and Monaghan Bombings: Statement by Taoiseach 21 May 1974; accessed August 2010] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110607081726/http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0272/D.0272.197405210027.html |date=7 June 2011 }}</ref>
<blockquote>The blood of the innocent victims of last Friday's outrage—and of the victims of similar outrages in the North and in England—is on the hands of every man who has fired a gun or discharged a bomb in furtherance of the present campaign of violence in these islands—just as plainly as it is on the hands of those who parked the cars and set the charges last Friday. In our times, violence cannot be contained in neat compartments and justified in one case but not in another.</blockquote>
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<blockquote>Every person and every organisation which played any part in the campaign of bombing and violence which killed and maimed people and destroyed property in Belfast, Derry or any other part of our country and indeed in Britain over the past five years, shares the guilt and the shame of the assassins who actually placed these bombs on the streets of Dublin and Monaghan last Friday.</blockquote>
In secret memos, the then [[List of Ambassadors from the United Kingdom to the Republic of Ireland|British Ambassador to the Republic of Ireland]], Arthur Galsworthy, noted the reactions in Dublin immediately after the bombings. He said the bombings had hardened attitudes against the IRA:<ref name="sbp20050102">Rapple, Rory (2 January 2005). [http://archives.tcm.ie/businesspost/2005/01/02/story1281.asp "'Irish have taken the point': British Envoy on Dublin bombs"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050829062843/http://archives.tcm.ie/businesspost/2005/01/02/story1281.asp |date=29 August 2005 }}, ''Sunday Business Post''</ref>
<blockquote>There is no sign of any general anti-Northern Protestant reaction ... The predictable attempt by the IRA to pin the blame on the British (British agents, the SAS, etc) has made no headway at all. ... It is only now that the South has experienced violence that they are reacting in the way that the North has sought for so long. ... it would be ... a psychological mistake for us to rub this point in. ... I think the Irish have taken the point.</blockquote>
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===Campaign by victims' families===
In 1996, relatives of the victims of the bombings (known as Justice for the Forgotten) launched a campaign for a public inquiry.<ref>[http://www.rte.ie/news/2003/1209/primetime.html RTÉ Primetime report] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070503092220/http://www.rte.ie/news/2003/1209/primetime.html |date=3 May 2007 }}. 9 December 2003.</ref> The group believed that they had been forgotten by the Irish state and that British forces may have been involved in the bombings.<ref>[http://www.dublinmonaghanbombings.org/press1995apr.html Submission to the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation at Dublin Castle by Alice O'Brien on behalf of the Dublin & Monaghan Bombings Relatives Committee] (April 1995). Justice for the Forgotten.</ref>
On 23 July 1997, the group lobbied the [[European Parliament]]. MEPs from many countries supported a call for the British government to release its files relating to the bombings. On 27 August that year, however, a court in the Republic declined to request the release of the files.<ref name=cainchron>{{cite web |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/chron.htm |title=Dublin and Monaghan Bombs - Chronology of Events |work=[[Conflict Archive on the Internet]] |publisher=[[University of Ulster]] |first=Martin |last=Melaugh }}</ref>
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===Main findings===
On 10 December 2003, Mr Justice Henry Barron's report on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings was published.<ref name="interimReportNoPg"/><ref>See [http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/index.php3?ca=39&issue_id=10144 extensive report summaries]. ''Irish Independent'', 11 December 2003</ref>
The publication of the report caused a sensation in Ireland, as shown by the political and media reaction.<ref>Listen to, for example, RTÉ Radio One, Five Seven Live [http://www.rte.ie/news/2003/1210/57live.html report of Barron Report publication]{{dead link|date=December 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}, 10 December 2003, and [http://www.rte.ie/news/2003/1211/57live.html interview with Colin Wallace]{{dead link|date=December 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}, RTÉ Radio One, Five Seven Live, 11 December 2003, and see [http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/index.php3?ca=39&issue_id=10144] Irish Independent, 11 December 2003</ref> It is generally agreed that the report raised more questions than it answered and that it opened up new avenues of inquiry.
Regarding the circumstances and perpetrators of the bombings, it said the following:
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According to Weir, the main organiser of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings was [[Billy Hanna]], a UDR sergeant and UVF 'brigadier'. He claimed that Hanna, [[Robin Jackson]], [[Davy Payne]] and [[William Marchant (loyalist)|William Marchant]] carried out the Dublin bombings, while [[Glenanne gang|Stewart Young]] and brothers John and [[Wesley Somerville]] (both UDR soldiers) carried out the Monaghan bombing.<ref>Barron Report (2003), pp.145-146</ref><ref name=affidavit>Affidavit of John Weir, 3 January 1999</ref> He claimed the explosives had been provided by Captain John Irwin, a UDR Intelligence Officer, and that the bombs had been assembled at the Glenanne farm of James Mitchell, with help from fellow RUC officer Laurence McClure.<ref name=affidavit/> Weir claims British Army Intelligence and the RUC knew who the culprits were but did not arrest them.<ref name=affidavit/> Furthermore, he says it is likely that Army Intelligence/RUC knew about the bombings beforehand, due to its contacts with the Glenanne group.<ref name=affidavit/>
The RUC furnished the Gardaí with a report that attempted to undermine Weir's evidence. Barron found this RUC report to be highly inaccurate and lacking credibility.<ref>Barron Report (2003), pp.148-151</ref> The Barron Inquiry believes that Weir’s evidence is credible, and "agrees with the view of An Garda Síochána that Weir's allegations regarding the Dublin and Monaghan bombings must be treated with the utmost seriousness".<ref>Barron Report (2003), p.162</ref><ref>[http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/stories.php3?ca=39&si=1091313&issue_id=10144 Claims of collusion 'must be taken seriously'], by Alison Bray, ''Irish Independent'', 11 December 2003, see also Profiles of Weir: Clarke, Liam (7 March 1999) [http://www.indymedia.ie/article/80602&comment_limit=0&condense_comments=false#comment181987 "RUC man's secret war with the IRA"], ''Sunday Times''; <br/>Connolly, Frank (16 November 2006) [http://www.village.ie/ireland/feature/%27i%27m_lucky_to_be_above_the_ground%27/ "I'm lucky to be above Ground"], ''Village''</ref> The Barron Inquiry found evidence to support Weir's claims. This included a chain of [[ballistics]] history linking the same weapons to many of the attacks Weir outlined.<ref name="tribune2003">McKay, Susan (14 December 2003). [http://www.tribune.ie/article.tvt?_scope=TribuneFTF&id=23418&SUBCAT=&SUBCATNAME=&DT=14/12/2003%2000:00:00&keywords=Susan%20McKay&FC= Barron throws light on a little shock of horrors] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303224859/http://www.tribune.ie/article.tvt?_scope=TribuneFTF&id=23418&SUBCAT=&SUBCATNAME=&DT=14%2F12%2F2003%2000%3A00%3A00&keywords=Susan%20McKay&FC= |date=3 March 2016 }}, by Sunday Tribune</ref></blockquote> Journalist Susan McKay noted that "The same individuals turn up again and again, but the links weren't noted. Some of the perpetrators weren't prosecuted despite evidence against them".<ref name="tribune2003"/>
===Fred Holroyd's claims===
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* [http://www.dublinmonaghanbombings.org/ Justice for the Forgotten] — organisation of victims of the bombings and relatives
* [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/index.html Key Events - The Dublin and Monaghan Bombs, 17 May 1974] — [[Conflict Archive on the Internet]], [[University of Ulster]]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20150402100804/http://dublincitypubliclibraries.com/image-galleries/digital-collections/1974-dublin-bombings 1974 Dublin Bombings] collection of 148 photographs on the [[Dublin City Council]] public libraries website
{{The Troubles|state=collapsed}}
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