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Bluelinking 2 books for verifiability.) #IABot (v2.1alpha2
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===Barry Fell=== |
===Barry Fell=== |
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*Mystery Hill,<ref name="Fell=notes">{{cite book|last=Fell|first=Barry|title=Ancient Settlers in the New World|year=1976|publisher=Quadrangle|location=New York|isbn=0-8129-0624-1|pages=81–92}}</ref> or [[America's Stonehenge]], is the site which [[Barry Fell]] refers to as the primary basis of his hypothesis that ancient [[Celts]] once populated [[New England]]. Mystery Hill, Fell believes, was a place of worship for the Celts and [[Phoenicia]] mariners (Fell 1976, 91). These ancient mariners, more commonly known as the [[Druids]], are said to have populated Europe at the same time. He hypothesizes that they were the ancient settlers of North America. Also, he believes that what he describes as inscriptions on stone and tablet artifacts from this site are in an ancient language derived from common sources of the [[Goidelic languages]] (Fell 1976, 92). |
*Mystery Hill,<ref name="Fell=notes">{{cite book|last=Fell|first=Barry|title=Ancient Settlers in the New World|year=1976|publisher=Quadrangle|location=New York|isbn=0-8129-0624-1|pages=81–92|url=https://archive.org/details/americabc00fell}}</ref> or [[America's Stonehenge]], is the site which [[Barry Fell]] refers to as the primary basis of his hypothesis that ancient [[Celts]] once populated [[New England]]. Mystery Hill, Fell believes, was a place of worship for the Celts and [[Phoenicia]] mariners (Fell 1976, 91). These ancient mariners, more commonly known as the [[Druids]], are said to have populated Europe at the same time. He hypothesizes that they were the ancient settlers of North America. Also, he believes that what he describes as inscriptions on stone and tablet artifacts from this site are in an ancient language derived from common sources of the [[Goidelic languages]] (Fell 1976, 92). |
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These three authors describe hyperdiffusionism as the driving force behind the apparent cultural similarities and population distribution among all civilizations. Hapgood's hypothesis states that one specific civilization is responsible for similar cultural practices in all other civilizations. Smith says that religions are proof of hyperdiffusionism, as similar worship ceremonies and symbols recur in geographically separated societies. Also, Smith believes that the Earth's population is made up of six types of humans, who diffused across the Earth's continents by virtue of their skin color (Smith 1931, 47-48). Finally, Fell asserts that ancient mariners, such as Druids and Phoenicians, traveled from Europe and comprised the early population of ancient America. |
These three authors describe hyperdiffusionism as the driving force behind the apparent cultural similarities and population distribution among all civilizations. Hapgood's hypothesis states that one specific civilization is responsible for similar cultural practices in all other civilizations. Smith says that religions are proof of hyperdiffusionism, as similar worship ceremonies and symbols recur in geographically separated societies. Also, Smith believes that the Earth's population is made up of six types of humans, who diffused across the Earth's continents by virtue of their skin color (Smith 1931, 47-48). Finally, Fell asserts that ancient mariners, such as Druids and Phoenicians, traveled from Europe and comprised the early population of ancient America. |
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==Methods== |
==Methods== |
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* [[Stephen Williams (archeologist)|Stephen Williams]] in his chapter "Across The Sea They Came"<ref name="Williams=Notes">{{cite book|last=Williams|first=Stephen|title=Fantastic Archaeology: The Wild Side of North American Prehistory|year=1991|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|location=Philadelphia|isbn=0-8122-1312-2|pages=224–257}}</ref> introduced a few hyperdiffusionists, their discoveries, and how they "tested" artifacts, beginning with [[Harold S. Gladwin]] who made his ''fantastic'' discoveries at an Arizona Pueblo site, [[Gila Pueblo Archaeological Foundation]]. Gladwin favored the diffusion theories which later influenced his methodologies for dating the artifacts at the site. Consequently, this caused him to legitimately ignore the data that was found at the [[Folsom Site]] in his chronology as it made his "Man descended from Asia into the New World" theory impossible (Williams 1991, 230). |
* [[Stephen Williams (archeologist)|Stephen Williams]] in his chapter "Across The Sea They Came"<ref name="Williams=Notes">{{cite book|last=Williams|first=Stephen|title=Fantastic Archaeology: The Wild Side of North American Prehistory|year=1991|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|location=Philadelphia|isbn=0-8122-1312-2|pages=224–257|url=https://archive.org/details/fantasticarchaeo00will}}</ref> introduced a few hyperdiffusionists, their discoveries, and how they "tested" artifacts, beginning with [[Harold S. Gladwin]] who made his ''fantastic'' discoveries at an Arizona Pueblo site, [[Gila Pueblo Archaeological Foundation]]. Gladwin favored the diffusion theories which later influenced his methodologies for dating the artifacts at the site. Consequently, this caused him to legitimately ignore the data that was found at the [[Folsom Site]] in his chronology as it made his "Man descended from Asia into the New World" theory impossible (Williams 1991, 230). |
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* The section continues with Cyclone Covey and Thomas W. Bent, specifically their publications on the [[Tucson Artifacts]] and Romans traveling to Arizona via hyperdiffusionism theory. Williams pokes fun at this theory in his book ''Fantastic Archaeology'' but does state that Covey and Bent failed at hypothesizing exactly how and why these artifacts were found in Arizona; rather, they focused their attention on the artifacts themselves and what makes them like true Roman artifacts (Williams 1991, 240). This gives way to Michael Shermer's fallacy Theory Influences Observation in his book [[Why People Believe Weird Things]] and how "theory in part constructs the reality and the reality exists independent of the observer" (Shermer 2002, 46). |
* The section continues with Cyclone Covey and Thomas W. Bent, specifically their publications on the [[Tucson Artifacts]] and Romans traveling to Arizona via hyperdiffusionism theory. Williams pokes fun at this theory in his book ''Fantastic Archaeology'' but does state that Covey and Bent failed at hypothesizing exactly how and why these artifacts were found in Arizona; rather, they focused their attention on the artifacts themselves and what makes them like true Roman artifacts (Williams 1991, 240). This gives way to Michael Shermer's fallacy Theory Influences Observation in his book [[Why People Believe Weird Things]] and how "theory in part constructs the reality and the reality exists independent of the observer" (Shermer 2002, 46). |
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* Concluding, Williams points out in the chapter how hyperdiffusionists fail to recognize solid archaeological research methods and/or ignore conflicting data and contextual evidence. They are "tailoring their finds with any similar chronology or in-depth linguistic analysis that fits into their scenarios" (Williams 1991, 255-256). |
* Concluding, Williams points out in the chapter how hyperdiffusionists fail to recognize solid archaeological research methods and/or ignore conflicting data and contextual evidence. They are "tailoring their finds with any similar chronology or in-depth linguistic analysis that fits into their scenarios" (Williams 1991, 255-256). |
Hyperdiffusionism refers to hypotheses suggesting that certain historical technologies or ideas originated with a single people or civilization before their adoption by other cultures. Thus, all great civilizations that share similar cultural practices, such as construction of pyramids, derived them from a single common progenitor.[1] According to its proponents, examples of hyperdiffusion can be found in religious practices, cultural technologies, megalithic monuments, and lost ancient civilizations.
The idea of hyperdiffusionism differs in several ways from trans-cultural diffusion, one being that hyperdiffusionism is usually not testable due to its pseudo-scientific nature (Williams 1991, 255-156). Additionally, unlike trans-cultural diffusion, hyperdiffusionism does not use trading and cultural networks to explain the expansion of a society within a single culture; instead, hyperdiffusionists claim that all major cultural innovations and societies derive from one (usually lost) ancient civilization (Williams 1991, 224-232). Ergo, the Tucson artifacts derive from Ancient Rome, carried by the "Romans who came across the Atlantic and then overland to Arizona;" this is believed because the artifacts resembled known ancient Roman artifacts (Williams 1991, 246).
These three authors describe hyperdiffusionism as the driving force behind the apparent cultural similarities and population distribution among all civilizations. Hapgood's hypothesis states that one specific civilization is responsible for similar cultural practices in all other civilizations. Smith says that religions are proof of hyperdiffusionism, as similar worship ceremonies and symbols recur in geographically separated societies. Also, Smith believes that the Earth's population is made up of six types of humans, who diffused across the Earth's continents by virtue of their skin color (Smith 1931, 47-48). Finally, Fell asserts that ancient mariners, such as Druids and Phoenicians, traveled from Europe and comprised the early population of ancient America.
Carl Whiting Bishop in the 1930s and the 1940s produced a series of articles arguing hyperdiffusionism in explaining the expansion of technology into China. Among the scholars influenced by Bishop were Owen Lattimore, who was intrigued by Bishop's emphasis on geography as a shaping factor in Chinese civilization and his emphasis on field work rather than library research.[6]