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Title: On Revenues
Author: Xenophon
Translator: H. G. Dakyns
Release Date: August 27, 2008 [EBook #1179]
Last Updated: January 15, 2013
Language: English
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*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON REVENUES ***
Produced by John Bickers, and David Widger
ON REVENUES
By Xenophon
Translation by H. G. Dakyns
Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a
pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,
and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land
and property in Scillus, where he lived for many
years before having to move once more, to settle
in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.
Revenues describes Xenophon's ideas to solve the
problem of poverty in Athens, and thus remove an
excuse to mistreat the Athenian allies.
PREPARER'S NOTE
This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a
four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though
there is doubt about some of these) is:
Work Number of books
The Anabasis 7
The Hellenica 7
The Cyropaedia 8
The Memorabilia 4
The Symposium 1
The Economist 1
On Horsemanship 1
The Sportsman 1
The Cavalry General 1
The Apology 1
On Revenues 1
The Hiero 1
The Agesilaus 1
The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2
Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into
English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The
diacritical marks have been lost.
WAYS AND MEANS
A Pamphlet On Revenues
I
For myself I hold to the opinion that the qualities of the leading
statesmen in a state, whatever they be, are reproduced in the character of
the constitution itself. (1)
(1) "Like minister, like government." For the same idea more fully
expressed, see "Cyrop." VIII. i. 8; viii. 5.
As, however, it has been maintained by certain leading statesmen in Athens
that the recognised standard of right and wrong is as high at Athens as
elsewhere, but that, owing to the pressure of poverty on the masses, a
certain measure of injustice in their dealing with the allied states (2)
could not be avoided; I set myself to discover whether by any manner of
means it were possible for the citizens of Athens to be supported solely
from the soil of Attica itself, which was obviously the most equitable
solution. For if so, herein lay, as I believed, the antidote at once to
their own poverty and to the feeling of suspicion with which they are
regarded by the rest of Hellas.
(2) Lit. "the cities," i.e. of the alliance, {tas summakhidas}.
I had no sooner begun my investigation than one fact presented itself
clearly to my mind, which is that the country itself is made by nature to
provide the amplest resources. And with a view to establishing the truth
of this initial proposition I will describe the physical features of
Attica.
In the first place, the extraordinary mildness of the climate is proved by
the actual products of the soil. Numerous plants which in many parts of
the world appear as stunted leafless growths are here fruit-bearing. And
as with the soil so with the sea indenting our coasts, the varied
productivity of which is exceptionally great. Again with regard to those
kindly fruits of earth (3) which Providence bestows on man season by
season, one and all they commence earlier and end later in this land. Nor
is the supremacy of Attica shown only in those products which year after
year flourish and grow old, but the land contains treasures of a more
perennial kind. Within its folds lies imbedded by nature an unstinted
store of marble, out of which are chiselled (4) temples and altars of
rarest beauty and the glittering splendour of images sacred to the gods.
This marble, moreover, is an object of desire to many foreigners, Hellenes
and barbarians alike. Then there is land which, although it yields no
fruit to the sower, needs only to be quarried in order to feed many times
more mouths than it could as corn-land. Doubtless we owe it to a divine
dispensation that our land is veined with silver; if we consider how many
neighbouring states lie round us by land and sea and yet into none of them
does a single thinnest vein of silver penetrate.
(3) Lit. "those good things which the gods afford in their seasons."
(4) Or, "arise," or "are fashioned."
Indeed it would be scarcely irrational to maintain that the city of Athens
lies at the navel, not of Hellas merely, but of the habitable world. So
true is it, that the farther we remove from Athens the greater the extreme
of heat or cold to be encountered; or to use another illustration, the
traveller who desires to traverse the confines of Hellas from end to end
will find that, whether he voyages by sea or by land, he is describing a
circle, the centre of which is Athens. (5)
(5) See "Geog. of Brit. Isles." J. R. and S. A. Green, ch. i. p. 7:
『London, in fact, is placed at what is very nearly the geometrical
centre of those masses of land which make up the earth surface of
the globe, and is thus more than any city of the world the natural
point of convergence for its different lines of navigation,』etc.
The natural advantages of Boeotia are similarly set forth by
Ephorus. Cf. Strab. ix. 2, p. 400.
Once more, this land though not literally sea-girt has all the advantages
of an island, being accessible to every wind that blows, and can invite to
its bosom or waft from its shore all products, since it is peninsular;
whilst by land it is the emporium of many markets, as being a portion of
the continent.
Lastly, while the majority of states have barbarian neighbours, the source
of many troubles, Athens has as her next-door neighbours civilised states
which are themselves far remote from the barbarians.
II
All these advantages, to repeat what I have said, may, I believe, be
traced primarily to the soil and position of Attica itself. But these
natural blessings may be added to: in the first place, by a careful
handling of our resident alien (1) population. And, for my part, I can
hardly conceive of a more splendid source of revenue than lies open in
this direction. Here you have a self-supporting class of residents
conferring large benefits upon the state, and instead of receiving payment
(2) themselves, contributing on the contrary to the gain of the exchequer
by the sojourners' tax. (3) Nor, under the term careful handling, do I
demand more than the removal of obligations which, whilst they confer no
benefit on the state, have an air of inflicting various disabilities on
the resident aliens. (4) And I would further relieve them from the
obligation of serving as hoplites side by side with the citizen proper;
since, beside the personal risk, which is great, the trouble of quitting
trades and homesteads is no trifle. (5) Incidentally the state itself
would benefit by this exemption, if the citizens were more in the habit of
campaigning with one another, rather than (6) shoulder to shoulder with
Lydians, Phrygians, Syrians, and barbarians from all quarters of the
world, who form the staple of our resident alien class. Besides the
advantage (of so weeding the ranks), (7) it would add a positive lustre to
our city, were it admitted that the men of Athens, her sons, have reliance
on themselves rather than on foreigners to fight her battles. And further,
supposing we offered our resident aliens a share in various other
honourable duties, including the cavalry service, (8) I shall be surprised
if we do not increase the goodwill of the aliens themselves, whilst at the
same time we add distinctly to the strength and grandeur of our city.
(1) Lit. "metics" or "metoecs."
(2) {misthos}, e.g. of the assembly, the senate, and the dicasts.
(3) The {metoikion}. See Plat. "Laws," 850 B; according to Isaeus, ap.
Harpocr. s.v., it was 12 drachmae per annum for a male and 6
drachmae for a female.
(4) Or, "the class in question." According to Schneider (who cites the
{atimetos metanastes} of Homer, "Il." ix. 648), the reference is
not to disabilities in the technical sense, but to humiliating
duties, such as the {skaphephoria} imposed on the men, or the
{udriaphoria} and {skiadephoria} imposed on their wives and
daughters in attendance on the {kanephoroi} at the Panathenaic and
other festival processions. See Arist. "Eccles." 730 foll.;
Boeckh, "P. E. A." IV. x. (Eng. tr. G. Cornewall Lewis, p. 538).
(5) Or, reading {megas men gar o agon, mega de kai to apo ton tekhnon
kai ton oikeion apienai}, after Zurborg ("Xen. de Reditibus
Libellus," Berolini, MDCCCLXXVI.), transl. "since it is severe
enough to enter the arena of war, but all the worse when that
implies the abandonment of your trade and your domestic concerns."
(6) Or,『instead of finding themselves brigaded as nowadays with a
motley crew of Lydians,』etc.
(7) Zurborg, after Cobet, omits the words so rendered.
(8) See "Hipparch." ix. 3, where Xenophon in almost identical words
recommends that reform.
In the next place, seeing that there are at present numerous building
sites within the city walls as yet devoid of houses, supposing the state
were to make free grants of such land (9) to foreigners for building
purposes in cases where there could be no doubt as to the respectability
of the applicant, if I am not mistaken, the result of such a measure will
be that a larger number of persons, and of a better class, will be
attracted to Athens as a place of residence.
(9) Or, "offer the fee simple of such property to."
Lastly, if we could bring ourselves to appoint, as a new government
office, a board of guardians of foreign residents like our Guardians of
Orphans, (10) with special privileges assigned to those guardians who
should show on their books the greatest number of resident aliens—such
a measure would tend to improve the goodwill of the class in question, and
in all probability all people without a city of their own would aspire to
the status of foreign residents in Athens, and so further increase the
revenues of the city. (11)
(10) "The Archon was the legal protector of all orphans. It was his
duty to appoint guardians, if none were named in the father's
will."—C. R. Kennedy, Note to "Select Speeches of Demosthenes."
The orphans of those who had fallen in the war (Thuc. ii. 46) were
specially cared for.
(11) Or, "help to swell the state exchequer."
III
At this point I propose to offer some remarks in proof of the attractions
and advantages of Athens as a centre of commercial enterprise. In the
first place, it will hardly be denied that we possess the finest and
safest harbourage for shipping, where vessels of all sorts can come to
moorings and be laid up in absolute security (1) as far as stress of
weather is concerned. But further than that, in most states the trader is
under the necessity of lading his vessel with some merchandise (2) or
other in exchange for his cargo, since the current coin (3) has no
circulation beyond the frontier. But at Athens he has a choice: he can
either in return for his wares export a variety of goods, such as human
beings seek after, or, if he does not desire to take goods in exchange for
goods, he has simply to export silver, and he cannot have a more excellent
freight to export, since wherever he likes to sell it he may look to
realise a large percentage on his capital. (4)
(1) Reading {adeos} after Cobet, or if {edeos}, transl. "in perfect
comfort."
(2) Or, "of exchanging cargo for cargo to the exclusion of specie."
(3) I.e. of the particular locality. See "The Types of Greek Coins,"
Percy Gardner, ch. ii. "International Currencies among the
Greeks."
(4) Or, "on the original outlay."
Or again, supposing prizes (5) were offered to the magistrates in charge
of the market (6) for equitable and speedy settlements of points in
dispute (7) to enable any one so wishing to proceed on his voyage without
hindrance, the result would be that far more traders would trade with us
and with greater satisfaction.
(5) Cf. "Hiero," ix. 6, 7, 11; "Hipparch." i. 26.
(6) {to tou emporiou arkhe}. Probably he is referring to the
{epimeletai emporiou} (overseers of the market). See Harpocr.
s.v.; Aristot. "Athenian Polity," 51.
(7) For the sort of case, see Demosth. (or Deinarch.) "c. Theocr."
1324; Zurborg ad loc.; Boeckh, I. ix. xv. (pp. 48, 81, Eng. tr.)
It would indeed be a good and noble institution to pay special marks of
honour, such as the privilege of the front seat, to merchants and
shipowners, and on occasion to invite to hospitable entertainment those
who, through something notable in the quality of ship or merchandise, may
claim to have done the state a service. The recipients of these honours
will rush into our arms as friends, not only under the incentive of gain,
but of distinction also.
Now the greater the number of people attracted to Athens either as
visitors or as residents, clearly the greater the development of imports
and exports. More goods will be sent out of the country, (8) there will be
more buying and selling, with a consequent influx of money in the shape of
rents to individuals and dues and customs to the state exchequer. And to
secure this augmentation of the revenues, mind you, not the outlay of one
single penny; nothing needed beyond one or two philanthropic measures and
certain details of supervision. (9)
(8) See Zurborg, "Comm." p. 24.
(9) See Aristot. "Pol." iv. 15, 3.
With regard to the other sources of revenue which I contemplate, I admit,
it is different. For these I recognise the necessity of a capital (10) to
begin with. I am not, however, without good hope that the citizens of this
state will contribute heartily to such an object, when I reflect on the
large sums subscribed by the state on various late occasions, as, for
instance, when reinforcements were sent to the Arcadians under the command
of Lysistratus, (11) and again at the date of the generalship of
Hegesileos. (12) I am well aware that ships of war are frequently
despatched and that too (13) although it is uncertain whether the venture
will be for the better or for the worse, and the only certainty is that
the contributor will not recover the sum subscribed nor have any further
share in the object for which he gave his contribution. (14)
(10) "A starting-point."
(11) B.C. 366; cf. "Hell." VII. iv. 3.
(12) B.C. 362; cf. "Hell." VII. v. 15. See Grote, "H. G." x. 459;
Ephor. ap. Diog. Laert. ii. 54; Diod. Sic. xv. 84; Boeckh, ap. L.
Dindorf. Xenophon's son Gryllus served under him and was slain.
(13) Reading {kai tauta toutout men adelou ontos}, after Zurborg.
(14) Reading { (uper) on an eisenegkosi} with Zurborg. See his note,
"Comm." p. 25.
But for a sound investment (15) I know of nothing comparable with the
initial outlay to form this fund. (16) Any one whose contribution amounts
to ten minae (17) may look forward to a return as high as he would get on
bottomry, of nearly one-fifth, (18) as the recipient of three obols a day.
The contributor of five minae (19) will on the same principle get more
than a third, (20) while the majority of Athenians will get more than cent
per cent on their contribution. That is to say, a subscription of one mina
(21) will put the subscriber in possession of nearly double that sum, (22)
and that, moreover, without setting foot outside Athens, which, as far as
human affairs go, is as sound and durable a security as possible.
(15) "A good substantial property."
(16) Or,『on the other hand, I affirm that the outlay necessary to
form the capital for my present project will be more remunerative
than any other that can be named.』As to the scheme itself see
Grote, "Plato," III. ch. xxxix.; Boeckh, op. cit. (pp. 4, 37, 136,
600 seq. Eng. tr.) Cf. Demosth. "de Sym." for another scheme, 354
B.C., which shows the『sound administrative and practical
judgment』of the youthful orator as compared with "the benevolent
dreams and ample public largess in which Xenophon here indulges."
—Grote, op. cit. p. 601.
(17) L40:12:4 = 1000 drachmae.
(18) I.e. exactly 18 or nearly 20 per cent. The following table will
make the arithmetic clear:—
6 ob. = 1 drachma 10 minae = 6000 ob.
100 dr. = 1 mina = 1000 dr.
600 ob. = 1 mina 1000 dr.:180 dr.::100:18 therefore nearly 1/5
3 ob. (a day) x 360 = 1080 ob. p.a. = nearly 20 per cent.
= 180 dr. p.a.
As to the 3 obols a day (= 180 dr. p.a.) which as an Athenian
citizen he is entitled to, see Grote, op. cit. p. 597:『There will
be a regular distribution among all citizens, per head and
equally. Three oboli, or half a drachma, will be allotted daily to
each, to poor and rich alike』 (on the principle of the Theorikon).
"For the poor citizens this will provide a comfortable
subsistence, without any contribution on their part; the poverty
now prevailing will thus be alleviated. The rich, like the poor,
receive the daily triobolon as a free gift; but if they compute it
as interest for their investments, they will find that the rate of
interest is full and satisfactory, like the rate on bottomry."
Zurborg, "Comm." p. 25; Boeckh, op. cit. IV. xxi. (p. 606, Eng.
tr.); and Grote's note, op. cit. p. 598.
(19) = L20:6:3 = 500 drachmae.
(20) = I.e. 36 per cent.
(21) = L4:1:3 = 100 drachmae.
(22) I.e. 180 per cent.
Moreover, I am of opinion that if the names of contributors were to be
inscribed as benefactors for all time, many foreigners would be induced to
contribute, and possibly not a few states, in their desire to obtain the
right of inscription; indeed I anticipate that some kings, (23) tyrants,
(24) and satraps will display a keen desire to share in such a favour.
(23) Zurborg suggests (p. 5) "Philip or Cersobleptes." Cf. Isocr.『On
the Peace,』S. 23.
(24) I.e. despotic monarchs.
To come to the point. Were such a capital once furnished, it would be a
magnificent plan to build lodging-houses for the benefit of shipmasters in
the neighbourhood of the harbours, in addition to those which exist; and
again, on the same principle, suitable places of meeting for merchants,
for the purposes (25) of buying and selling; and thirdly, public
lodging-houses for persons visiting the city. Again, supposing
dwelling-houses and stores for vending goods were fitted up for retail
dealers in Piraeus and the city, they would at once be an ornament to the
state and a fertile source of revenue. Also it seems to me it would be a
good thing to try and see if, on the principle on which at present the
state possesses public warships, it would not be possible to secure public
merchant vessels, to be let out on the security of guarantors just like
any other public property. If the plan were found feasible this public
merchant navy would be a large source of extra revenue.
(25) Reading, with Zurborg, {epi one te}.
IV
I come to a new topic. I am persuaded that the establishment of the silver
mines on a proper footing (1) would be followed by a large increase in
wealth apart from the other sources of revenue. And I would like, for the
benefit of those who may be ignorant, to point out what the capacity of
these mines really is. You will then be in a position to decide how to
turn them to better account. It is clear, I presume, to every one that
these mines have for a very long time been in active operation; at any
rate no one will venture to fix the date at which they first began to be
worked. (2) Now in spite of the fact that the silver ore has been dug and
carried out for so long a time, I would ask you to note that the mounds of
rubbish so shovelled out are but a fractional portion of the series of
hillocks containing veins of silver, and as yet unquarried. Nor is the
silver-bearing region gradually becoming circumscribed. On the contrary it
is evidently extending in wider area from year to year. That is to say,
during the period in which thousands of workers (3) have been employed
within the mines no hand was ever stopped for want of work to do. Rather,
at any given moment, the work to be done was more than enough for the
hands employed. And so it is to-day with the owners of slaves working in
the mines; no one dreams of reducing the number of his hands. On the
contrary, the object is perpetually to acquire as many additional hands as
the owner possibly can. The fact is that with few hands to dig and search,
the find of treasure will be small, but with an increase in labour the
discovery of the ore itself is more than proportionally increased. So much
so, that of all operations with which I am acquainted, this is the only
one in which no sort of jealousy is felt at a further development of the
industry. (4) I may go a step farther; every proprietor of a farm will be
able to tell you exactly how many yoke of oxen are sufficient for the
estate, and how many farm hands. To send into the field more than the
exact number requisite every farmer would consider a dead loss. (5) But in
silver mining (operations) the universal complaint is the want of hands.
Indeed there is no analogy between this and other industries. With an
increase in the number of bronze-workers articles of bronze may become so
cheap that the bronze-worker has to retire from the field. And so again
with ironfounders. Or again, in a plethoric condition of the corn and wine
market these fruits of the soil will be so depreciated in value that the
particular husbandries cease to be remunerative, and many a farmer will
give up his tillage of the soil and betake himself to the business of a
merchant, or of a shopkeeper, to banking or money-lending. But the
converse is the case in the working of silver; there the larger the
quantity of ore discovered and the greater the amount of silver extracted,
the greater the number of persons ready to engage in the operation. One
more illustration: take the case of movable property. No one when he has
got sufficient furniture for his house dreams of making further purchases
on this head, but of silver no one ever yet possessed so much that he was
forced to cry "enough." On the contrary, if ever anybody does become
possessed of an immoderate amount he finds as much pleasure in digging a
hole in the ground and hoarding it as in the actual employment of it. And
from a wider point of view: when a state is prosperous there is nothing
which people so much desire as silver. The men want money to expend on
beautiful armour and fine horses, and houses, and sumptuous paraphernalia
(6) of all sorts. The women betake themselves to expensive apparel and
ornaments of gold. Or when states are sick, (7) either through barrenness
of corn and other fruits, or through war, the demand for current coin is
even more imperative (whilst the ground lies unproductive), to pay for
necessaries or military aid.
(1) Or, "on a sound basis."
(2) "Exploited."
(3) Or, "at the date when the maximum of hands was employed."
(4) Reading {epikataskeuazumenois}, or, if {episkeuazomenoi}, transl.
"at the rehabilitation of old works."
(5) Cf. "Oecon." xvii. 12.
(6) "The thousand and one embellishments of civil life."
(7) "When a state is struck down with barrenness," etc. See "Mem." II.
vii.
And if it be asserted that gold is after all just as useful as silver,
without gainsaying the proposition I may note this fact (8) about gold,
that, with a sudden influx of this metal, it is the gold itself which is
depreciated whilst causing at the same time a rise in the value of silver.
(8) Lit. "I know, however."
The above facts are, I think, conclusive. They encourage us not only to
introduce as much human labour as possible into the mines, but to extend
the scale of operations within, by increase of plant, etc., in full
assurance that there is no danger either of the ore itself being exhausted
or of silver becoming depreciated. And in advancing these views I am
merely following a precedent set me by the state herself. So it seems to
me, since the state permits any foreigner who desires it to undertake
mining operations on a footing of equality (9) with her own citizens.
(9) Or,『at an equal rent with that which she imposes on her own
citizens.』See Boeckh, "P. E. A." IV. x. (p. 540, Eng. tr.)
But, to make my meaning clearer on the question of maintenance, I will at
this point explain in detail how the silver mines may be furnished and
extended so as to render them much more useful to the state. Only I would
premise that I claim no sort of admiration for anything which I am about
to say, as though I had hit upon some recondite discovery. Since half of
what I have to say is at the present moment still patent to the eyes of
all of us, and as to what belongs to past history, if we are to believe
the testimony of our fathers, (10) things were then much of a piece with
what is going on now. No, what is really marvellous is that the state,
with the fact of so many private persons growing wealthy at her expense,
and under her very eyes, should have failed to imitate them. It is an old
story, trite enough to those of us who have cared to attend to it, how
once on a time Nicias, the son of Niceratus, owned a thousand men in the
silver mines, (11) whom he let out to Sosias, a Thracian, on the following
terms. Sosias was to pay him a net obol a day, without charge or
deduction, for every slave of the thousand, and be (12) responsible for
keeping up the number perpetually at that figure. So again Hipponicus (13)
had six hundred slaves let out on the same principle, which brought him in
a net mina (14) a day without charge or deduction. Then there was
Philemonides, with three hundred, bringing him in half a mina, and others,
I make no doubt there were, making profits in proportion to their
respective resources and capital. (15) But there is no need to revert to
ancient history. At the present moment there are hundreds of human beings
in the mines let out on the same principle. (16) And given that my
proposal were carried into effect, the only novelty in it is that, just as
the individual in acquiring the ownership of a gang of slaves finds
himself at once provided with a permanent source of income, so the state,
in like fashion, should possess herself of a body of public slaves, to the
number, say, of three for every Athenian citizen. (17) As to the
feasibility of our proposals, I challenge any one whom it may concern to
test the scheme point by point, and to give his verdict.
(10) Reading {para ton pateron}, with Zurborg, after Wilamowitz-
Mollendorf.
(11) See "Mem." II. v. 2; Plut. "Nicias," 4; "Athen." vi. 272. See an
important criticism of Boeckh's view by Cornewall Lewis,
translation of "P. E. A." p. 675 foll.
(12) Reading {parekhein}, or if {pareikhen}, transl.『whilst he
himself kept up the number.』See H. hagen in "Journ. Philol." x.
19, pp. 34-36; also Zurborg, "Comm." p. 28.
(13) Son of Callias.
(14) = L4:1:3 = 600 ob.
(15) Or, "whose incomes would vary in proportion to their working
capital."
(16) See Jebb, "Theophr." xxvi. 21.
(17) According to the ancient authorities the citizens of Athens
numbered about 21,000 at this date, which would give about 63,000
as the number of state-slaves contemplated for the purposes of the
scheme. See Zurborg, "Comm." p. 29. "At a census taken in B.C. 309
the number of slaves was returned at 400,000, and it does not seem
likely that there were fewer at any time during the classical
period."—"A Companion to School Classics" (James Gow), p. 101,
xiii. "Population of Attica."
With regard to the price then of the men themselves, it is obvious that
the public treasury is in a better position to provide funds than any
private individuals. What can be easier than for the Council (18) to
invite by public proclamation all whom it may concern to bring their
slaves, and to buy up those produced? Assuming the purchase to be
effected, is it credible that people will hesitate to hire from the state
rather than from the private owner, and actually on the same terms? People
have at all events no hesitation at present in hiring consecrated grounds,
sacred victims, (19) houses, etc., or in purchasing the right of farming
taxes from the state. To ensure the preservation of the purchased
property, the treasury can take the same securities precisely from the
lessee as it does from those who purchase the right of farming its taxes.
Indeed, fraudulent dealing is easier on the part of the man who has
purchased such a right than of the man who hires slaves. Since it is not
easy to see how the exportation (20) of public money is to be detected,
when it differs in no way from private money. Whereas it will take a
clever thief to make off with these slaves, marked as they will be with
the public stamp, and in face of a heavy penalty attached at once to the
sale and exportation of them. Up to this point then it would appear
feasible enough for the state to acquire property in men and to keep a
safe watch over them. (21)
(18) Or, "senate." See Aristot. "Athen. Pol." for the functions of the
Boule.
(19) So Zurborg. See Demosth. "in Mid." 570; Boeckh, "P. E. A." II.
xii. (p. 212, Eng. tr.) See Arnold's note to "Thuc." iii. 50, 7.
(20) Or, "diversation," "defalcation."
(21) Or, "as far as that goes, then, there is nothing apparently to
prevent the state from acquiring property in slaves, and
safeguarding the property so acquired."
But with reference to an opposite objection which may present itself to
the mind of some one: what guarantee is there that, along with the
increase in the supply of labourers, there will be a corresponding demand
for their services on the part of contractors? (22) It may be reassuring
to note, first of all, that many of those who have already embarked on
mining operations (23) will be anxious to increase their staff of
labourers by hiring some of these public slaves (remember, they have a
large capital at stake; (24) and again, many of the actual labourers now
engaged are growing old); and secondly, there are many others, Athenians
and foreigners alike, who, though unwilling and indeed incapable of
working physically in the mines, will be glad enough to earn a livelihood
by their wits as superintendents. (25)
(22) Or, "with this influx (multiplying) of labourers there will be a
corresponding increase in the demand for labour on the part of the
lessees."
(23) Or, "got their mining establishments started."
(24) Or,『of course they will, considering the amount of fixed capital
at stake,』or, "since they have large resources at their back." I
have adopted Zurborg's stopping of this sentence.
(25) See "Mem." II. viii. 1, for an illustrative case.
Let it be granted, however, that at first a nucleus of twelve hundred
slaves is formed. It is hardly too sanguine a supposition that out of the
profits alone, (26) within five or six years this number may be increased
to at least six thousand. Again, out of that number of six thousand—supposing
each slave to being in an obol a day clear of all expenses—we get a
revenue of sixty talents a year. And supposing twenty talents out of this
sum laid out on the purchase of more slaves, there will be forty talents
left for the state to apply to any other purpose it may find advisable. By
the time the round number (27) of ten thousand is reached the yearly
income will amount to a hundred talents.
(26) "Out of the income so derived."
(27) Or, "full complement."
As a matter of fact, the state will receive much more than these figures
represent, (28) as any one here will bear me witness who can remember what
the dues (29) derived from slaves realised before the troubles at Decelea.
(30) Testimony to the same effect is borne by the fact, that in spite of
the countless number of human beings employed in the silver mines within
the whole period, (31) the mines present exactly the same appearance
to-day as they did within the recollection of our forefathers. (32) And
once more everything that is taking place to-day tends to prove that,
whatever the number of slaves employed, you will never have more than the
works can easily absorb. The miners find no limit of depth in sinking
shafts or laterally in piercing galleries. To open cuttings in new
directions to-day is just as possible as it was in former times. In fact
no one can take on himself to say whether there is more ore in the regions
already cut into, or in those where the pick has not yet struck. (33) Well
then, it may be asked, why is it that there is not the same rush to make
new cuttings now as in former times? The answer is, because the people
concerned with the mines are poorer nowadays. The attempt to restart
operations, renew plant, etc., is of recent date, and any one who ventures
to open up a new area runs a considerable risk. Supposing he hits upon a
productive field, he becomes a rich man, but supposing he draws a blank,
he loses the whole of his outlay; and that is a danger which people of the
present time are shy of facing.
(28) Or, "a very much larger sum than we have calculated on." Lit.
"many times over that sum."
(29) Or, "tax." See below, S. 49; for the whole matter see Thuc. vii.
27, vi. 91; Xen. "Mem." III. vi. 12, in reference to B.C. 413,
when Decelea had been fortified. As to the wholesale desertion of
slaves,『more than twenty thousand slaves had deserted, many of
them artisans,』according to Thucydides.
(30) Or, "the days of Decelea." Lit. "the incidents of Decelea."
(31) I.e. "of their working since mining began."
(32) Lit. "are just the same to-day as our forefathers recollected
them to be in their time."
(33) Or, "whether the tracts already explored or those not yet opened
are the more prolific."
It is a difficulty, but it is one on which, I believe, I can offer some
practical advice. I have a plan to suggest which will reduce the risk of
opening up new cuttings to a minimum. (34)
(34) Or, "I have a plan to make the opening of new cuttings as safe as
possible."
The citizens of Athens are divided, as we all know, into ten tribes. Let
the state then assign to each of these ten tribes an equal number of
slaves, and let the tribes agree to associate their fortunes and proceed
to open new cuttings. What will happen? Any single tribe hitting upon a
productive lode will be the means of discovering what is advantageous to
all. Or, supposing two or three, or possibly the half of them, hit upon a
lode, clearly these several operations will proportionally be more
remunerative still. That the whole ten will fail is not at all in
accordance with what we should expect from the history of the past. It is
possible, of course, for private persons to combine in the same way, (35)
and share their fortunes and minimise their risks. Nor need you apprehend,
sirs, that a state mining company, established on this principle, will
prove a thorn in the side (36) of the private owner, or the private owner
prove injurious to the state. But rather like allies who render each other
stronger the more they combine, (37) so in these silver mines, the greater
number of companies at work (38) the larger the riches they will discover
and disinter. (39)
(35) "To form similar joint-stock companies."
(36) See "Cyneg." v. 5.
(37) Or, "deriving strength from combination."
(38) Co-operators.
(39) Reading {ekphoresousi}, after Cobet.
This then is a statement, as far as I can make it clear, of the method by
which, with the proper state organisation, every Athenian may be supplied
with ample maintenance at the public expense. Possibly some of you may be
calculating that the capital (40) requisite will be enormous. They may
doubt if a sufficient sum will ever be subscribed to meet all the needs.
All I can say is, even so, do not despond. It is not as if it were
necessary that every feature of the scheme should be carried out at once,
or else there is to be no advantage in it at all. On the contrary,
whatever number of houses are erected, or ships are built, or slaves
purchased, etc., these portions will begin to pay at once. In fact, the
bit-by-bit method of proceeding will be more advantageous than a
simultaneous carrying into effect of the whole plan, to this extent: if we
set about erecting buildings wholesale (41) we shall make a more expensive
and worse job of it than if we finish them off gradually. Again, if we set
about bidding for hundreds of slaves at once we shall be forced to
purchase an inferior type at a higher cost. Whereas, if we proceed
tentatively, as we find ourselves able, (42) we can complete any
well-devised attempt at our leisure, (43) and, in case of any obvious
failure, take warning and not repeat it. Again, if everything were to be
carried out at once, it is we, sirs, who must make the whole provision at
our expense. (44) Whereas, if part were proceeded with and part stood
over, the portion of revenue in hand will help to furnish what is
necessary to go on with. But to come now to what every one probably will
regard as a really grave danger, lest the state may become possessed of an
over large number of slaves, with the result that the works will be
overstocked. That again is an apprehension which we may escape if we are
careful not to put into the works more hands from year to year than the
works themselves demand. Thus (45) I am persuaded that the easiest method
of carrying out this scheme, as a whole, is also the best. If, however,
you are persuaded that, owing to the extraordinary property taxes (46) to
which you have been subjected during the present war, you will not be
equal to any further contributions at present, (47) what you should do is
this: (48) during the current year resolve to carry on the financial
administration of the state within the limits of a sum equivalent to that
which your dues (49) realised before the peace. That done, you are at
liberty to take any surplus sum, whether directly traceable to the peace
itself, or to the more courteous treatment of our resident aliens and
traders, or to the growth of the imports and exports, coincident with the
collecting together of larger masses of human beings, or to an
augmentation of harbour (50) and market dues: this surplus, I say, however
derived, you should take and invest (51) so as to bring in the greatest
revenue. (52)
(40) Or, "sinking fund."
(41) {athrooi}—"in a body." It is a military phrase, I think. In
close order, as it were, not in detachments.
(42) "According to our ability," a favourite Socratic phrase.
(43) {authis}. See for this corrupt passage Zurborg, "Comm." p. 31. He
would insert,『and a little delay will not be prejudicial to our
interests, but rather the contrary,』or to that effect, thus: {kai
authis an (anutoimen ou gar toiaute te anabole blaben genesthai
an) emin oiometha} "vel simile aliquid."
(44) Or, "it is we who must bear the whole burthen of the outlay."
(45) {outos}, "so far, unless I am mistaken, the easiest method is the
best."
(46) Or, "heavy contributions, subscriptions incidental to," but the
word {eisphoras} is technical. For the exhaustion of the treasury
see Dem. "Lept." 464; Grote, "H. G."xi. 326.
(47) Or, "you will not be able to subscribe a single penny more."
(48) {umeis de}, you are masters of the situation. It lies with you to
carry on, etc.; {dioikeite} is of course imperative.
(49) Or, "taxes."
(50) Reading, after Zurborg, {dia ta ellimenia}. Or, if the vulg. {dia
en limeni}, transl. "an augmentation of market dues at Piraeus."
(51) I.e. as fixed capital, or, "you should expend on plant."
(52) Or, adopting Zurborg's emend, {os an pleista eggignetai}, transl.
"for the purposes of the present scheme as far as it may be
available."
Again, if there is an apprehension on the part of any that the whole
scheme (53) will crumble into nothing on the first outbreak of war, I
would only beg these alarmists to note that, under the condition of things
which we propose to bring about, war will have more terrors for the
attacking party than for this state. Since what possession I should like
to know can be more serviceable for war than that of men? Think of the
many ships which they will be capable of manning on public service. Think
of the number who will serve on land as infantry (in the public service)
and will bear hard upon the enemy. Only we must treat them with courtesy.
(54) For myself, my calculation is, that even in the event of war we shall
be quite able to keep a firm hold of the silver mines. I may take it, we
have in the neighbourhood of the mines certain fortresses—one on the
southern slope in Anaphlystus; (55) and we have another on the northern
side in Thoricus, the two being about seven and a half miles (56) apart.
Suppose then a third breastwork were to be placed between these, on the
highest point of Besa, that would enable the operatives to collect into
one out of all the fortresses, and at the first perception of a hostile
movement it would only be a short distance for each to retire into safety.
(57) In the event of an enemy advancing in large numbers they might
certainly make off with whatever corn or wine or cattle they found
outside. But even if they did get hold of the silver ore, it would be
little better to them than a heap of stones. (58) But how is an enemy ever
to march upon the mines in force? The nearest state, Megara, is distant, I
take it, a good deal over sixty miles; (59) and the next closest, Thebes,
a good deal nearer seventy. (60) Supposing then an enemy to advance from
some such point to attack the mines, he cannot avoid passing Athens; and
presuming his force to be small, we may expect him to be annihilated by
our cavalry and frontier police. (61) I say, presuming his force to be
small, since to march with anything like a large force, and thereby leave
his own territory denuded of troops, would be a startling achievement.
Why, the fortified city of Athens will be much closer the states of the
attacking parties than they themselves will be by the time they have got
to the mines. But, for the sake of argument, let us suppose an enemy to
have arrived in the neighbourhood of Laurium; how is he going to stop
there without provisions? To go out in search of supplies with a
detachment of his force would imply risk, both for the foraging party and
for those who have to do the fighting; (62) whilst, if they are driven to
do so in force each time, they may call themselves besiegers, but they
will be practically in a state of siege themselves.
(53) Or, "the proposed organisation."
(54) See ch. ii. above.
(55) Or, reading {en te pros mesembrian thalatte},『on the southern
Sea.』For Anaphlystus see "Hell." I. ii. 1; "Mem." III. v. 25. It
was Eubulus's deme, the leading statesman at this date.
(56) Lit. "60 stades."
(57) The passage {sunekoi t an erga}, etc., is probably corrupt. {Ta
erga} seems to mean "the operatives;" cf. Latin "operae." Others
take it of "the works themselves." Possibly it may refer to
military works connecting the three fortresses named.『There might
be a system of converging (works or) lines drawn to a single point
from all the fortresses, and at the first sign of any thing
hostile,』etc.
(58) I.e. "they might as well try to carry off so many tons of stone."
(59) Lit. "500 stades."
(60) Lit. "more than 600 stades."
(61) The {peripoloi}, or horse patrol to guard the frontier. See Thuc.
iv. 57, viii. 92; Arist. "Birds,"ii. 76. Young Athenians between
eighteen and twenty were eligible for the service.
(62) Or, "for the very object of the contest." The construction is in
any case unusual. {peri on agonizontai} = {peri touton oi}.
Zurborg suggests {peri ton agonizomenon}.
But it is not the income (63) derived from the slaves alone to which we
look to help the state towards the effective maintenance of her citizens,
but with the growth and concentration of a thick population in the mining
district various sources of revenue will accrue, whether from the market
at Sunium, or from the various state buildings in connection with the
silver mines, from furnaces and all the rest. Since we must expect a
thickly populated city to spring up here, if organised in the way
proposed, and plots of land will become as valuable to owners out there as
they are to those who possess them in the neighbourhood of the capital.
(63) I adopt Zurborg's correction, {prosphora} for {eisphora}, as
obviously right. See above, iv. 23.
If, at this point, I may assume my proposals to have been carried into
effect, I think I can promise, not only that our city shall be relieved
from a financial strain, but that she shall make a great stride in
orderliness and in tactical organisation, she shall grow in martial spirit
and readiness for war. I anticipate that those who are under orders to go
through gymnastic training will devote themselves with a new zeal to the
details of the training school, now that they will receive a larger
maintenance whilst (64) under the orders of the trainer in the torch race.
So again those on garrison duty in the various fortresses, those enrolled
as peltasts, or again as frontier police to protect the rural districts,
one and all will carry out their respective duties more ardently when the
maintenance (64) appropriate to these several functions is duly
forthcoming.
(64) I follow Zurborg in omitting {e}. If {e} is to stand, transl.
『than they get whilst supplied by the gymnasiarch in the torch
race,』or『whilst exercising the office of gymnasiarchs
themselves.』See "Pol. Ath." i. 13.
(65) "State aid."
V
But now, if it is evident that, in order to get the full benefit of all
these sources of revenue, (1) peace is an indispensable condition—if
that is plain, I say, the question suggests itself, would it not be worth
while to appoint a board to act as guardians of peace? Since no doubt the
election of such a magistracy would enhance the charm of this city in the
eyes of the whole world, and add largely to the number of our visitors.
But if any one is disposed to take the view, that by adopting a persistent
peace policy, (2) this city will be shorn of her power, that her glory
will dwindle and her good name be forgotten throughout the length and
breadth of Hellas, the view so taken by our friends here (3) is in my poor
judgment somewhat unreasonable. For they are surely the happy states,
they, in popular language, are most fortune-favoured, which endure in
peace the longest season. And of all states Athens is pre-eminently
adapted by nature to flourish and wax strong in peace. The while she
abides in peace she cannot fail to exercise an attractive force on all.
From the mariner and the merchant upwards, all seek her, flocking they
come; the wealthy dealers in corn and wine (4) and oil, the owner of many
cattle. And not these only, but the man who depends upon his wits, whose
skill it is to do business and make gain out of money (5) and its
employment. And here another crowd, artificers of all sorts, artists and
artisans, professors of wisdom, (6) philosophers, and poets, with those
who exhibit and popularise their works. (7) And next a new train of
pleasure-seekers, eager to feast on everything sacred or secular, (8)
which may captivate and charm eye and ear. Or once again, where are all
those who seek to effect a rapid sale or purchase of a thousand
commodities, to find what they want, if not at Athens?
(1) Or, "to set these several sources of revenue flowing in full
stream."
(2) Cf. "a policy of peace at any price," or, "by persisting for any
length of time in the enjoyment of peace."
(3) {kai outoi ge}. The speaker waves his hand to the quarter of the
house where the anti-peace party is seated.
(4) After Zurborg, I omit {oukh oi eduoinoi}.
(5) Reading {kai ap arguriou}, with Zurborg.
(6) Lit. "Sophists." See Grote, "H. G." viii. lxvii. note, p. 497.
(7) E.g. chorus-trainers, musicians, grammarians, rhapsodists, and
actors.
(8) Or, "sacred and profane."
But if there is no desire to gainsay these views—only that certain
people, in their wish to recover that headship (9) which was once the
pride of our city, are persuaded that the accomplishment of their hopes is
to be found, not in peace but in war, I beg them to reflect on some
matters of history, and to begin at the beginning, (10) the Median war.
Was it by high-handed violence, or as benefactors of the Hellenes, that we
obtained the headship of the naval forces, and the trusteeship of the
treasury of Hellas? (11) Again, when through the too cruel exercise of her
presidency, as men thought, Athens was deprived of her empire, is it not
the case that even in those days, (12) as soon as we held aloof from
injustice we were once more reinstated by the islanders, of their own free
will, as presidents of the naval force? Nay, did not the very Thebans, in
return for certain benefits, grant to us Athenians to exercise leadership
over them? (13) And at another date the Lacedaemonans suffered us
Athenians to arrange the terms of hegemony (14) at our discretion, not as
driven to such submission, but in requital of kindly treatment. And
to-day, owing to the chaos (15) which reigns in Hellas, if I mistake not,
an opportunity has fallen to this city of winning back our fellow-Hellenes
without pain or peril or expense of any sort. It is given to us to try and
harmonise states which are at war with one another: it is given to us to
reconcile the differences of rival factions within those states
themselves, wherever existing.
(9) Lit. "her hegemony for the city," B.C. 476.
(10) "And first of all."
(11) See Thuc. i. 96.
(12) B.C. 378. Second confederacy of Delos. See Grote, "H. G." x. 152.
(13) B.C. 375. Cf. "Hell." V. iv. 62; Grote, "H. G." x. 139; Isocr.
"Or." xiv. 20; Diod. Sic. xv. 29.
(14) B.C. 369 (al. B.C. 368). Cf. "Hell." VII. i. 14.
(15) See "Hell."VII. v. 27.
Make it but evident that we are minded to preserve the independence (16)
of the Delphic shrine in its primitive integrity, not by joining in any
war but by the moral force of embassies throughout the length and breadth
of Hellas—and I for one shall not be astonished if you find our
brother Hellenes of one sentiment and eager under seal of solemn oaths
(17) to proceed against those, whoever they may be, who shall seek (18) to
step into the place vacated by the Phocians and to occupy the sacred
shrine. Make it but evident that you intend to establish a general peace
by land and sea, and, if I mistake not, your efforts will find a response
in the hearts of all. There is no man but will pray for the salvation of
Athens next to that of his own fatherland.
(16) "Autonomy."
(17) See Thuc. v. 18, clause 2 of the Treaty of Peace, B.C. 422-421.
(18) Reading, with Zurborg, {peironto}. Or, if the vulgate
{epeironto}, transl. "against those who sought to step."
Again, is any one persuaded that, looking solely to riches and
money-making, the state may find war more profitable than peace? If so, I
cannot conceive a better method to decide that question than to allow the
mind to revert (19) to the past history of the state and to note well the
sequence of events. He will discover that in times long gone by during a
period of peace vast wealth was stored up in the acropolis, the whole of
which was lavishly expended during a subsequent period of war. He will
perceive, if he examines closely, that even at the present time we are
suffering from its ill effects. Countless sources of revenue have failed,
or if they have still flowed in, been lavishly expended on a multiplicity
of things. Whereas, (20) now that peace is established by sea, our
revenues have expanded and the citizens of Athens have it in their power
to turn these to account as they like best.
(19) Reading {epanoskopoin}.
(20) Or, "But the moment peace has been restored."
But if you turn on me with the question,﹃Do you really mean that even in
the event of unjust attacks upon our city on the part of any, we are still
resolutely to observe peace towards that offender?﹄I answer distinctly,
No! But, on the contrary, I maintain that we shall all the more promptly
retaliate on such aggression in proportion as we have done no wrong to any
one ourselves. Since that will be to rob the aggressor of his allies. (21)
(21) Reading, after Cobet, {ei medena uparkhoimen adikountes}. Or, if
the vulgate {ei medena parakhoimen adikounta}, transl. "if we can
show complete innocence on our own side."
VI
But now, if none of these proposals be impracticable or even difficult of
execution; if rather by giving them effect we may conciliate further the
friendship of Hellas, whilst we strengthen our own administration and
increase our fame; if by the same means the people shall be provided with
the necessaries of life, and our rich men be relieved of expenditure on
war; if with the large surplus to be counted on, we are in a position to
conduct our festivals on an even grander scale than heretofore, to restore
our temples, to rebuild our forts and docks, and to reinstate in their
ancient privileges our priests, our senators, our magistrates, and our
knights—surely it were but reasonable to enter upon this project
speedily, so that we too, even in our own day, may witness the unclouded
dawn of prosperity in store for our city.
But if you are agreed to carry out this plan, there is one further counsel
which I would urge upon you. Send to Dodona and to Delphi, I would beg
you, and consult the will of Heaven whether such a provision and such a
policy on our part be truly to the interest of Athens both for the present
and for the time to come. If the consent of Heaven be thus obtained, we
ought then, I say, to put a further question: whose special favour among
the gods shall we seek to secure with a view to the happier execution of
these measures?
And in accordance with that answer, let us offer a sacrifice of happy omen
to the deities so named, and commence the work; since if these
transactions be so carried out with the will of God, have we not the right
to prognosticate some further advance in the path of political progress
for this whole state?
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