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The national interest is a sovereign state's goals and ambitions (economic, military, cultural, or otherwise), taken to be the aim of government.[citation needed]
The Italian phrase ragione degli stati was first used by Giovanni della Casa around the year 1547.[1]
The expression "reason of state" (Ragion di Stato) was championed by Italian diplomat and political thinker Niccolò Machiavelli, and was later popularised by Italian political thinker Giovanni Botero around 1580s,.[1] Prominently, Chief Minister Cardinal Richelieu justified France's intervention on the Protestant side, despite its own Catholicism, in the Thirty Years' War as being in the national interest in order to block the increasing power of the Catholic Holy Roman Emperor.[citation needed] At Richelieu's prompting, Jean de Silhon defended the concept of raison d'État as "a mean between what conscience permits and affairs require."[2][3][4]
Within the field of international relations, national interest has frequently been assumed to comprise the pursuit of power, security and wealth.[5][6][7][8][9] Neorealist and liberal institutionalist scholars tend to define national interest as revolving around security and power.[10][11] Liberal scholars view national interests as an aggregation of the preferences of domestic political groups.[12] Constructivist scholars reject that the national interest of states are static and can be assumed a priori; rather, they argue that the preferences of states are shaped through social interactions and are changeable.[7][13][14]
In a February 2020 article for CSIS, Gordon de Brouwer argued: "The national interest has three components—security, prosperity, and social wellbeing—and they should all be part of framing the problem and solutions. All three matter. More than ever, they reinforce each other. Security underpins prosperity, prosperity creates power and pays for security, and a well-functioning society reduces economic and security risks."[9]
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