Contents

2014 Hong Kong protests: Difference between revisions

Revision as of 20:48, 26 October 2014

2014 Hong Kong protests "Umbrella Movement" "Umbrella Revolution"
A "candlelight vigil" held with mobile phones
Date	26 September 2014 (26 September 2014) – ongoing
Location	Hong Kong; primarily Admiralty, Central, Wan Chai, Causeway Bay, Mong Kok, Tsim Sha Tsui
Caused by	Chinese central government decision on electoral reform regarding future Hong Kong Chief Executive and Legislative Council elections
Parties
Pro-democracy activists No single group leads the protest Occupy Central with Love and Peace Hong Kong Federation of Students Scholarism Pan-democracy camp Hong Kong government Chinese government Anti-Occupy groups Pro-Beijing activists Triads[1]
Casualties and losses
Arrests:30 (As of 3 October 2014)[2] Injuries:87 (As of 3 October 2014)[citation needed] 298 treated at Accident & Emergency Departments (As of 20 October 2014)[3] Arrests At least 38 (As of 5 October 2014)[4] Injuries: At least 41 (As of 5 October 2014)[4][5]

Admiralty

The 2014 Hong Kong protests, also known as the Umbrella MovementorUmbrella Revolution, began in September 2014 when activists in Hong Kong protested outside the HKSAR government headquarters and occupied several major city intersections after China's Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) announced its decision on proposed electoral reform.^[6] In disallowing civil nominations, the NPCSC made it clear that a 1200-member nominating committee, in which the composition remains subject to a second round of consultation, would elect two to three electoral candidates with more than half of the votes before the general public could vote on them.^[7]

The Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism began protesting outside the government headquarters on 22 September 2014 against the NPCSC's decision.^[8] On the evening of 26 September, several hundred demonstrators led by Joshua Wong breached a security barrier and entered the forecourt of the Central Government Complex, which was once a public space that has been barred from public entry since July 2014. Officers cordoned off protesters within the courtyard and restricted their movement overnight, eventually removing them by force the next day.^[9][10]

On 28 September, Occupy Central with Love and Peace movement announced that they would begin their civil disobedience campaign immediately.^[11] Protesters blocked both east–west arterial routes in northern Hong Kong Island near Admiralty. Police tactics (including the use of tear gas) and attacks on protesters by opponents that included triad members, had triggered more citizens to join the protests, occupying Causeway Bay and Mong Kok.^[12][13] The government called for an end to the protests by setting a 'deadline' of 6 October, but this was ignored by protesters, although they allowed government workers to enter offices that had previously been blocked.^[14] The state-run Chinese media claimed repeatedly that the West had played an "instigating" role in the protests, and that "more people in Hong Kong are supporting the anti-Occupy Central movement," and warned of "deaths and injuries and other grave consequences."^[15] In an opinion poll carried out by Hong Kong Polytechnic University, 59% of 850 people surveyed since 4 October did not support the NPCSC's decision.^[16] On 23 October, the United Nations Human Rights Committee emphasised "the need to ensure universal suffrage, which means both the right to be elected as well as the right to vote."^[17] China's Foreign Ministry responded that China's policy on Hong Kong's elections had "unshakable legal status and effect".^[18]

Names

The term 'Occupy Central' (佔中) is commonly used to describe the occupy campaign in Hong Kong. The name 'Umbrella Revolution' was coined by Adam Cotton on Twitter on 26 September, in reference to the umbrellas used for defence against tear gas, and quickly gained widespread acceptance.^{[19][20][21][22][23]} The name was later rejected by some prominent members and supporters of the Occupy Central campaign uncomfortable with the supposed violent connotations of the name, and concerned as to how it would be perceived by Chinese authorities. They emphasised that the movement was not a colour revolution but rather a demand for free and fair elections, and proposed the name 'Umbrella Movement' as an alternative.^[24][25][26]

Background

Political background

As a result of the negotiations and the 1984 agreement between China and Britain, the British colony Hong Kong was handed overtothe People's Republic of China and became its first Special Administrative Region on 1 July 1997, under the principle of "one country, two systems". Hong Kong has a different political system from mainland China. Hong Kong's independent judiciary functions under the common law framework.^[27][28] The Hong Kong Basic Law, the constitutional document drafted by the Chinese side before the handover based on the terms enshrined in the Joint Declaration,^[29] governs its political system, and stipulates that Hong Kong shall have a high degree of autonomy in all matters except foreign relations and military defence.^[30] The declaration stipulates that the region maintain its capitalist economic system and guarantees the rights and freedoms of its people for at least 50 years after the 1997 handover. The guarantees over the territory's autonomy and the individual rights and freedoms are enshrined in the Hong Kong Basic Law, the territory's constitutional document, which outlines the system of governance of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, but which is subject to the interpretation of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC).^[31][32]

The leader of Hong Kong, the Chief Executive is currently elected by a 1200-member Election Committee, though the Article 45 of the Basic Law states that "the ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures."^[33] A 2007 decision by the Standing Committee opened the possibility of selecting the Chief Executive via universal suffrage in the 2017 Chief Executive election,^[34] and the first round of consultations to implement the needed electoral reforms ran for five months in early 2014. Chief Executive CY Leung then, per procedure, submitted a report to the Standing Comittee inviting them to deliberate whether it is necessary to amend the method of selection of the Chief Executive.^[35]

Standing Committee decision on electoral reform

On 31 August 2014, the tenth session of the Standing Committee in the twelfth National People's Congress set limits for the 2016 Legislative Council election and 2017 Chief Executive election. While notionally allowing for universal suffrage, the decision imposes the standard that "the Chief Executive shall be a person who loves the country and loves Hong Kong," and stipulates "the method for selecting the Chief Executive by universal suffrage must provide corresponding institutional safeguards for this purpose". The decision states that for the 2017 Chief Executive election, a nominating committee, mirroring the present 1200-member Election Committee be formed to nominate two to three candidates, each of whom must receive the support of more than half of the members of the nominating committee. After popular election of one of the nominated candidates, the Chief Executive-elect "will have to be appointed by the Central People's Government." The process of forming the 2016 Legislative Council would be unchanged, but following the new process for the election of the Chief Executive, a new system to elect the Legislative Council via universal suffrage would be developed with the approval of Beijing.^[6]

While Li Fei, a deputy secretary general of the Committee, said that the procedure would protect the broad stability of Hong Kong now and in the future, pro-democracy advocates viewed the decision as a betrayal of the principle of "one person, one vote," in that candidates deemed unsuitable by the Beijing authorities would have been pre-emptively screened out by the mechanism. The Standing Committee decision is set to be the basis for electoral reform crafted by the Legislative Council. The Democratic Party legislators promised to veto the proposals for both elections as being inherently undemocratic. Also in response to the NPCSC decision, Occupy Central announced that it would organise civil disobedience protests.^[36] Simultaneously, student groups staged a coordinated class boycott and organised public rallies and street assemblies.^[37][38]

Class boycott

The Hong Kong Federation of Students (representing tertiary students) and Scholarism (representing secondary students) mobilised students to boycott classes, with tertiary students commencing a one-week boycott from 22 September. At the same time, Scholarism organised a demonstration outside of the Central Government Offices barricade on 13 September 2014 where they declared a class-boycott on 26 September.^[39] Various scholars have been volunteering to give public lectures at the occupied sites.^[40] The stated goals of the HKFS and Scholarism are:

• Universal suffrage
• The resignation of Chief Executive CY Leung
• The withdrawal of the decision of the National People's Congress Standing Committee
• The submission of a new electoral reform plan that includes civil nomination of Hong Kong's Chief Executive

Chronology

26 September

Having received a Notice of No Objection approving the assembly that day between 00:01 to 23:59, protesters proceeded to gather in Tim Mei Road in the forecourt at the eastern entrance of the Central Government Offices.^[41] At around 22:30 on 26 September, up to 100 protesters led by Joshua Wong, the Convenor of Scholarism, went to "reclaim" the privatised Civic Square for the public by clambering over the fence of the square; they tried to tear down the metal barriers around the central flag podium.^[42] The police force mobilised on Civic Square and started to physically carry away the protesters two hours afterwards.^[43][44]

27 September

At 00:45 on 27 September, a large police force surrounded protesters at the centre of the Civic Square. At first, the police allowed protesters to leave voluntarily if they showed their personal identification documents. For those who refused to leave, each was carried away by at least four police officers. Protesters in the Square included secondary students and their parents, as well as representatives from student organisations. At 1:20am, the police applied pepper spray to the crowd near the Legislative Council, with some secondary students injured. From the evening of September until the following midnight, 13 people were arrested including Joshua Wong, who was detained for over 40 hours.^[45] He was released after the High Court unconditionally approved his lawyers' writ of habeas corpus.^[46][47]

At 1:30 pm, the police force carried out the second round of clearance during which 48 men and 13 women, aged between 17 and 58, were taken into custody for forcible entry into government premises and unlawful assembly.^[48] A 27-year-old man was also arrested for possession of an offensive weapon. All the arrested were detained at the Police College in Wong Chuk Hang. The police spokesman declared the assembly outside the Central Government Complex at Tim Mei Avenue illegal, and advised citizens against participating in the assembly, passing by or getting close to that area. The arrested demonstrators, including Legislative Councillor Leung Kwok-hung and some HKFS members, were released around 9 pm. However, HKFS representatives Alex Chow Yong-kang and Lester Shum were detained for 30 hours.^[49] The police later cleared the assembly, arresting a total of 78 people who ranged from 16 to 58 years of age.^[50][51]

28 September

At 1:40am, Benny Tai, one of the initiators of the Occupy Central movement, announced the beginning of Occupy Central at a rally taking place the Central Government Complex at Tim Mei Avenue.^[52][53] Occupy Central had been widely expected to start on 1 October, but was accelerated to capitalise on the mass student presence.^[52] The Occupy Central movement similarly demanded the immediate withdrawal of the decision on political reform by the National People's Congress Standing Committee, and immediate public consultation on the issue.^[54] Later that day it was reported that at least 34 people had been injured in that day's protests.^[55]

Later that morning, protests escalated as police blocked roads and bridges entering Tim Mei Avenue. Protest leaders called upon citizens to come to Admiralty to encircle the police force.^[56] Tensions at the junction of Tim Mei Avenue and Harcourt Road kept rising after several jostles which ended up with the usage of pepper spray. As night fell, armed riot police advanced gradually from Wanchai toward Admiralty. As the police progressed towards Central and Sheung Wan, a police officer unfurled a black banner that stated "Warning, Tear Smoke". At that point, shots of tear gas were fired, and protesters hastily distributed masks and bottles of water amongst themselves.^[57] The first few tear gas canisters were fired by armed riot police which were surrounded at around 6 pm.^[58][59] Protesters retreated to Admiralty. The tear gas used against apparently unarmed and peaceful protesters was cited by the media as a trigger for anger and more citizens joining the protests.^[60] Tens of thousands of citizens joined in the protest in reaction to the firing of tear gas and built up new strongholds in Causeway Bay and Mong Kok, two major commercial areas of Hong Kong.^[61][62]

According to police spokesmen, officers exercised "maximum tolerance," and tear gas was used only after protesters refused to disperse and "violently charged".^[63][64] The police confirmed that they had fired tear gas 87 times.^[65] The media recalled that last time Hong Kong police had used tear gas was on Korean protesters during the 2005 World Trade Organization conference.^[59][63]

29 September

With the closure of Admiralty Station and the use of tear gas, many citizens joined in the protests and went to other parts of the city, including Wan Chai, Causeway Bay, Mong Kok, and universities.^[66] At dawn after the night of tear gas, the number of protesters that remained in the occupation area was more or less the same. Yet police had changed their strategy, easing their defence level; some police negotiation cadres were at the occupation areas to negotiate with protesters to urge them to leave. A police spokesperson announced that 89 protesters had been arrested. There were 41 casualties, including 12 police.^[67]

On 29 September, Carrie Lam announced that the second round of public consultations on political reform, originally planned to be completed by the end of the year, would be postponed. Also, the annual National Day fireworks celebration on 1 October was announced to be cancelled.^[68]

1 October

Joshua Wong and several Scholarism members attended the National Day flag raising ceremony at the Golden Bauhinia Square, having undertaken not to shout slogans or make any gestures during the flag raising. Instead, the students faced away from the flag to show their discontent. District councillor Paul Zimmerman opened a yellow umbrella in protest inside the reception after the ceremony.^[69][70][71]

Protesters set up a fourth occupation site at a section of Canton RoadinTsim Sha Tsui.^[72]

2 October

Activists lay siege to the Central Government Headquarters in Tim Mei Avenue. Over the end of the first week, protesters alleged that the police made use of ambulances and trucks to bring weapons, such as tear gas canisters, into the headquarters buildings.^[73] Subsequently, protesters have demanded the right to inspect ambulances and vehicles delivering food and water passing through their barricades. This demand was conceded to by the police, with SCMP reporting there was only food and supplies on the trucks after the trucks were inspected by the protesters.^[73]

Shortly before midnight, the Hong Kong Government responded to an ultimatum, to CY Leung, demanding universal suffrage with unfiltered rights of candidate nomination. Chief Secretary Carrie Lam was to hold talks with student leaders about political reform at an unspecified date.^[74]

3 October

In the early morning, violence started to break out in Mong Kok, Kowloon and Causeway Bay, Hong Kong Island. Groups of anti-Occupy Central activists including triad members and locals punched and kicked protesters while tearing down their tents and barricades.^{[12][13][73][75]} and locals whose day-to-day activities had been affected by the Occupy movement.^[76] The group in Mong Kok also attacked reporters; and gave a student head injuries.^[12][75][77] Occupiers accused the police of giving the attackers free rein by arresting them but releasing them shortly after. Occupiers said anti-Occupy groups were linked to the triads,^[78] and one legislator accused the government of orchestrating triads to clear the protest sites.^[13] It was also reported that triads, as proprietors of many businesses in Mong Kok, could have their own motivations to disperse the protesters.^[62] Amnesty International condemned the police for "[failing] in their duty to protect protesters from attacks" and stating that women were attacked, threatened, and sexually assaulted while police watched and did nothing.^[60] Commander Paul Edmiston of the police admitted officers had been working long hours and had received heavy criticism. Responding to accusations that police chose not to protect the protesters, he said: "No matter what we do, we’re criticized for doing too little or too much. We can't win."^[63]

In the aftermath of the scuffle, police arrested 20 people. There were 18 people injured, including 6 police officers. Police confirmed that eight of the people they had arrested had triad backgrounds. All eight were released on bail.^[13][79] As a response to the clash, student leaders of Hong Kong halted plans to hold talks with the government, citing CY Leung's "insincerity and stealth tactics" as the main reason.^[80]

4 October

On 4 October 2014, counter-protesters wearing blue ribbons marched in support of the police and the tactics they employed, claiming they were not excessive.^[73] Patrick Ko of the Voice of Loving Hong Kong group accused the protesters of having double standards, and said that if the police had enforced the law, protesters would have already been evicted.^[81] Another anti-Occupy spokesperson Chan Ching-sum complained the continued occupation of roads was "destroy[ing] Hong Kong people's daily lives" and unrelated to democracy.^[82] The anti-Occupy group Caring Hong Kong Power staged their own rally, in which they announced their support for the use of fire-arms by police, as well as the deployment of the People's Liberation Army.^[83]

In the afternoon, Chief Executive CY Leung insisted that government operations and schools affected by Occupy Central must resume on Monday. Former Democratic Party lawmaker Cheung Man-Kwong claimed the occupy campaign was in a "very dangerous situation," and urged them to "sit down and talk, in order to avoid tragedy".^[84] The Federation of Students demanded the government explain the previous night's events before continuing talks and that they would continue to occupy streets in different areas, including Mong Kok and Causeway Bay.^[85] The Pan-Democratic camp held a press conference criticising the police response on the previous night, accusing it of being an orchestrated attack involving the triads. They also criticised the police presence as insufficient.^[86] Secretary for Security Lai Tung-kwok denied accusations against the police, and explained the reason for not using tear gas was due to the difference in geographical environment. Police claimed that protesters' barricades had prevented reinforcements from arriving on the scene.^[87]

Pan-democracy member of the Legislative Council James To said that "the government has used organised, orchestrated forces and even triad gangs in [an] attempt to disperse citizens."^[13] Violent attacks on journalists were strongly condemned by The Foreign Correspondents' Club, the Hong Kong Journalists' Association and local broadcaster RTHK.^[88] Three former US consuls general to HK, Richard Williams, Richard Boucher and Stephen M. Young, wrote a letter to the Chief Executive asking to solve the disputes peacefully.^[89]

5 October

Leading establishment figures who had been sympathetic to the liberal cause, including University heads and politicians, appeared to urge in concert for the occupy movement to leave the street for their own safety.^[90] The rumours of a planned operation by the police did not occur. Another group of 80 scholars released a statement later in the day urging the government to listen to the protesters' demands. Alex Chow Yong-kang, leader of the Federation of Students, rejected calls by the government for dialogue unless demands and the protesters' safety were met. Later in the night, he announced that the police had met this requirement, and talks continued throughout the night between the Federation and the government.

6 October

Conflict between Occupy and anti-Occupy groups continued on Sunday but was less than on previous days. Some protester groups disagreed on whether or not to un-occupy Lung Wo Road in Admiralty and the Mong Kok district.^[91][92][93] On 6 October, Patrick Ko, politician and leader of Voice of Loving Hong Kong, said that it was "forgivable" for triads to attack protesters in Mongkok, since the occupation was disrupting triad business.^[94]

7 October

Protest numbers dwindled after leaders met with government officials and agreed to meet for talks, beginning on 10 October, which would be limited in scope. Student protest leader Lester Shum said that protests would continue in the meantime until "practical measures [have] been forged between the government and the people."^[95]

9 October

The government cancelled the meeting with student leaders that had been scheduled for 10 October.^[96] The government's Chief Secretary for Administration, Carrie Lam, explained at a news conference that "We cannot accept the linking of illegal activities to whether or not to talk."^[97]

Alex Chow, head of the Federation of Students, said "I feel like the government is saying that if there are fewer people on the streets, they can cancel the meeting. Students urge people who took part in the civil disobedience to go out on the streets again to occupy."^[97] Pro-democracy legislators threatened to veto non-essential funding applications, potentially disrupting government operations, in support of the protesters.^[98]

10 October

In defiance of police warnings, thousands of protesters, many bringing tents with them, returned to the streets.^[98] Over a hundred tents were pitched across the eight-lane Harcourt Road thoroughfare in Admiralty, alongside dozens of food and first-aid marquees. The ranks of protesters continued to swell on the 11th.^[99]

11 October

The student leaders issued an open letter to President Xi Jinping saying that CY Leung's report to NPCSC disregarded public opinion and failed to account faithfully for citizens' wishes.^[100][101]

12 October

In an exclusive pre-recorded interview with the Chinese-language TVB show On the Record,^[102] CY Leung said the occupy protest is not considered a revolution and declared that his resignation "would not solve anything".^[103] Leung said the decision to use tear gas was made by the police, without any political considerations.^[104] Several press organisations including the Hong Kong Journalists Association objected to the exclusion of other media, feeling that Leung owed the public full explanations since the start of the protests. They suggested Leung was deliberately avoiding questions about the issues surrounding the electoral framework.^[105][106]

13 October

At 5.30 am, police started an operation to remove unmanned barricades in Harcourt Road (Admiralty site) to "reduce the chance of traffic accidents".^[100]

Within hours, hundreds of men, many wearing surgical masks and carrying crowbars and cutting tools, began removing barricades at various sites and attacked protesters. Police made attempts to separate the groups. Protesters reinforced some barricades using bamboo and concrete.^{[107][108][109]} Protesters claimed that the attacks were organised and involved triad groups.^[110]

Police made three arrests for assault and possession of weapons. Although police cautioned against reinforcing the existing obstacles or setting up new obstacles to enlarge the occupied area, occupiers reinstated the barriers overnight.^[107] In the early morning of 14 October, police conducted a dawn raid to dismantle barricades in Yee Wo Street (Causeway Bay site), opening one lane to westbound traffic.^[111] Police reclaimed Queensway, dismantled barricades and reopened it to traffic.^[112]

14 October

Also on 13 October, anti-occupy protesters began to besiege the headquarters of Next Media, publisher of Apple Daily, accusing the paper of biased reporting of OC and obstructing its distribution.^[113] Masked men among the protesters prevented the loading of copies of Apple Daily as well as The New York Times onto delivery vans. However, the delivery of Hong Kong Economic Journal, which is also printed at the works, was allowed.^[114] Apple Daily sought a court injunction and a High Court judge issued a temporary order to prevent any blocking of the entrance saying this was important to the freedom of press.^[115] Five press unions made a statement condemning the harassment of journalists by anti-occupy protesters.^[116]

15 October

Before midnight, protesters stopped traffic on Lung Wo Road, the arterial road north of the Central Government Complex at Central, and began erecting barricades. The Hong Kong Police Force was unable to hold their cordon at Lung Wo Road Tunnel and had to retreat for reinforcement and organised redemption. Around 3 am, police began to clear the road using batons and pepper spray. By dawn, traffic on the road resumed and the protesters retreated into Tamar Park, while 45 arrests were made.

Footage from the local television channel TVB shows that during the operation, one protester, later identified as volunteer social worker and Civic Party member Ken Tsang, was carried into a secluded location with his hands tied behind his back, and then punched, kicked and stamped on repeatedly by about six police officers in rotation. The beating lasted for about four minutes.^{[117][118][119][120]} The video clips have been transmitted internationally and provoked outrage; Amnesty International called for the prosecution of the police officers involved. Hong Kong's secretary for security, Lai Tung-kwok, announced that "the officers involved will be temporarily removed from their current duties."^[117][118] Reporters at the scene said that journalists were treated no differently to protesters.^[121] One reporter alleged that he was grabbed, kicked and punched by police officers, who ignored his protestations that he was a journalist.^[122]

17 October

At 5am, Police dismantled the barricades and tents at the Mong Kok site, including the main camp at the intersection of Nathan Road and Argyle Street, and opened the northbound side of Nathan Road to traffic for the first time in three weeks. The protesters were allowed to remain on the southbound side of the road. After work and school let out, at least 9000 protesters returned to Nathan Road to try to retake the northbound lanes, leading to clashes between protesters and police armed with riot gear. The police claims to have 15 police injuries and made at least 26 arrests, including veteran war photojournalist Paula Bronstein.^[123] Around midnight, the police retreated and the protesters re-erected barricades on Nathan Road.^[124][125]

18 October

Clashes resumed in Mong Kok as protesters donning hard hats and protective gear made of baby mats fought off police officers armed with batons. 20 injuries were reported.^[126]

19 October

Demonstrators packed the streets in Mong Kok where there were repeated clashes. Democrat Martin Lee at the scene said "triad elements" in Mong Kok were trying to stir up violence to undermine the pro-democracy movement.^[127] At night, two pro-democracy lawmakers, Fernando Cheung and Claudia Mo, appeared at Mong Kok to mediate between the protesters and the police, leading to a lowering of tensions as the police and protesters each stepped back and widened the buffer zone. No clashes were reported for the night.^[128]

In a televised interview, his second since the protests began, Chief Executive CY Leung repeated Chinese claims about foreign responsibility for the protests, saying "This is not the only time they have done it. There are external forces, yes, from different countries in different parts of the world. I shan't go into details but this is not entirely a domestic movement."^[129]

20 October

An interim injunction against those occupying portions of Nathan Road between Argyle Street and Dundas Street, and between Tung Choi Street and Portland Street was granted to Taxi Drivers and Operators Association by the High Court. Justice Poon also granted a temporary injunction to the owner of CITIC Tower against the occupation of the road between Tim Mei Avenue and Lung Wui Road.^[130]

Chief Executive Leung gave his first interview to international journalists since the start of the protests. He said that Hong Kong had been "lucky" that Beijing had not yet intervened in the protests, and repeated Chinese claims that "foreign forces" were involved. He defended Beijing's stance on screening candidates. He warned that open elections would result in pressure on candidates to create a welfare state, arguing that "If it's entirely a numbers game – numeric representation – then obviously you'd be talking to half the people in Hong Kong [that] earn less than US$1,800 a month [the median wage in HK]. You would end up with that kind of politics and policies."^[131][132]

21 October

The government and the HKFS held the first round of talks on 21 October in a televised open debate. HKFS secretary-general Alex Chow Yong-kang, Vice secretary Lester Shum, general secretary Eason Chung (鍾耀華), and standing members Nathan Law (羅冠聰) and Yvonne Leung (梁麗幗) met with the HK government representatives Chief secretary Carrie Lam, secretary of justice Rimsky Yuen, undersecretary Raymond Tam, office director Edward Yau and undersecretary Lau Kong-wah. The discussion was moderated by Leonard Cheng (鄭國漢), the president of Lingnan University.^{[133][134][135][136]} During the talks, government representatives suggested the possibility of writing a new report on the students' concerns to supplement the government's last report on political reform to Beijing, but stressed that students' proposal of civil nomination falls outside of the framework imposed by the Basic Law and the NPCSC decision, which cannot be retracted.^[137] The government described the talks as "candid and meaningful" in a press release, while the students expressed their disappointment at the lack of concrete results.^[138]

22 October

Clashes ensued in Mong Kok between occupiers and drivers complaining about the effect on the occupation on their livelihoods when the latter group attempted to dismantle barricades. Violent clashes ensued and a man threw a glass bottle filled with liquid, which he then attempted to light.^[139]

Angered by CY Leung's recent comments about the negative effects of giving Hong Kong's poor a voice in politics, about 200 demonstrators marched to Government House, the official residence of the Chief Executive.^[140]

23 October

A massive yellow banner which read "I want true universal suffrage" was hung on the Lion Rock, the iconic hill that overlooks the Kowloon Peninsula.^[141] A group calling itself "The Hong Kong Spidie" claimed responsibility for scaling the peak and fixing the 28 x 6-metre banner onto the landmark. The location was chosen because Lion Rock represents Hong Kong's special identity^[141][142] and is in contrast to Victoria Peak, which represents the elite.^[143] Images of the banner then became a meme on social media.^[142][144] The banner was removed by the government the following day.^[145]

25 October

A group of anti-Occupy supporters sporting blue ribbons gathered at Tsim Sha Tsui to show their support of the police. Four journalists from RTHK and TVB tried to interview them and were attacked.^[146] As the chaotic scene unfolded, the anti-Occupy attackers kept shouting terms such as hanjian and running dog.^[146] The police had to escort the journalists out.^[146] A female reporter for RTHK, a male reporter and two photographers for TVB were taken to hospital. An RTHK spokesman said the station will take legal action.^[147] A group of about 10 men wearing face masks attacked Occupy supporters in Mong Kok.^[148] Six people were arrested for common assault.^[148]

Alex Chow, secretary general of HKFS, was interviewed on the show On the Record, in which Chow stated his belief that the protest will only end if the government can offer a detailed timeline or roadmap to allow universal suffrage ending the standing committee decision.^[149][150]

Organisation

Logistics

The protesters' politeness, tidiness and "staunch adherence to nonviolence" was widely commented on. Supplies were made readily available for food and water, waste collection and first aid.^[151][152] Signs produced by protesters apologise for the inconvenience caused and denounced isolated incidents of vandalism.^[153]

Communication

While most of the protesters were described as calm and polite, some have used the local online forum Hong Kong Golden Forum to discuss strategies and dox anti-Occupy figures, in addition to making memes and parody songs. The operation to block Lung Wo Road on 14 October, for example, was planned on the forum.^[154] A man was arrested and charged with "access to computer with criminal or dishonest intent" on 18 October for posting online messages on the forum that urged others to join the Occupy protests in Mong Lok, charge at police cordons, and paralyse the railways. The police warned that further arrests could be made for those who post messages inciting others to join the "unlawful" protests.^[155]

Malware in the form of a phishing attack was conducted on the protesters according to a security consultancy, which believed that Chinese intelligence was responsible.^[156] Protesters used peer to peer messaging, such as WhatsApp and FireChat due to fears of the police disrupting mobile services.^{[157][158][159]} Mesh networks such as FireChat and Serval Mesh have the potential to circumvent government oversight even if the Internet is being shut down.^[160] Since FireChat messages are not encrypted, protesters also used Telegram.^[161]

Artistic expression

A notable degree of artistic expression has arisen from the protests. In addition to the creation of banners and logos for the movement some of which inspired by John Lennon, students and artists have created many installations at protest sites that have been captured by the world media. These include the message board made up of colourful post-it notes from citizens and visitors named the "Lennon Wall", an iconic 3-metre statue holding an outstretched umbrella (Umbrella Man) created out of wood block, works frequently and recursively figuring yellow umbrellas.^{[162][163][164][165][166][167][168]} There has also been a notable amount of religious expression including shrines set up to Jesus and Guan Yu in the Mon Kok protest zone.^[169][170]

Triad involvement and protester recruitment allegations

The HK police has stated that up to 200 gangsters from two major triads may have infiltrated the camps of Occupy Central supporters, although their exact motives are as yet unknown.^[171] A 2013 editorial in the Taipei Times was scathing in its condemnation of pro-Beijing 'grass-roots' organisations in Hong Kong:

Since Leung has been in office, three organizations – Voice of Loving Hong Kong, Caring Hong Kong Power and the Hong Kong Youth Care Association – have appeared on the scene and have been playing the role of Leung's hired thugs, using Cultural Revolution-style language and methods to oppose Hong Kong's pan-democratic parties and groups.^[172]

On 6 October 2014, the BBC showed video footage from a Hong Kong TV network which appeared to show 'anti-Occupy protesters' being hired and transported to an Occupy protest site. The 'protesters', many of whom were initially unaware of what they were being paid to do, were secretly filmed on the bus being handed money by the organiser. Anonymous police sources informed the BBC Newsnight investigation that "back-up was strangely unforthcoming" to scenes of violence. Legislative Council member James To told a BBC reporter that "The police is happy to let the triad elements to threaten the students, at least for several hours, to see whether they would disperse or not." He added, "Someone, with political motive, is utilising the triad to clear the crowd, so as to help the government to advance their cause."^[173]

The South China Morning Post also reported claims that people from poor districts were being offered up to HK$800 per day, via WhatsApp messaging, to participate in anti-Occupy riots.^[60][174] Triad gangs, which had reportedly suffered a 40% decline in revenues, were implicated in the attacks in Mong Kok, where some of the worst violence had occurred.^{[79][98][175][176]} Both Apple Daily and the Taiwan Central News Agency, as well as some pan-democrat legislators in Hong Kong, have named the Ministry of State Security and Ministry of Public Security as being responsible for the attacks.^{[176][177][178]}

Impact

Effects on business and transport

Surface traffic between Central and Admiralty, Causeway Bay, as well as in Mong Kok, was seriously affected by the blockades, with traffic jams stretching for miles on Hong Kong Island and across Victoria Harbour.^[95][179] Major tailbacks were reported in Queensway, Gloucester Rd and Connaught Rd, which are feeder roads to the blockaded route in Admiralty.^[52] Whilst in excess of 100 bus or tram routes have been suspended or re-routed,^[180] queues for underground trains in the Admiralty district stretched out onto the street at times.^[95] The MTR, the city's underground transport operator, has been a beneficiary.^[181] The number of passenger trips recorded on two of its lines has increased by 20 percent.^[182] Others have opted to walk instead of driving.^[183]

Nursery, primary and secondary schools within the Central and Western catchment areas were suspended from 29 September onwards. Classes for 25,000 primary students and 30,000 secondary students resumed on 7 October.^{[4][184][185]} Kindergartens and nursery schools resumed operations on 10 October, adding to the traffic burden.Cite error: The <ref> tag has too many names (see the help page). The media reported that some shops and banks in the protest areas were shuttered.^[180]

According to the World Bank, the protests were damaging Hong Kong's economy while China remained largely unaffected. Reuters reported that the protests had contributed to a $50 billion drop in share value on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange.^[95] Although the Hang Seng Index fell by 2.59% during the Golden Week, it recovered and trading volume rose considerably.^[186] Shanghai Daily published on 4 October estimated that the protests had cost Hong Kong HK$40 billion ($5.2 billion), with tourism and retail reportedly being hardest hit. However, tourist numbers for the 'Golden Week' (beginning 1 October) were 4.83% higher than the previous year, according to the Hong Kong Tourism Board. While substantial losses by retailer were predicted, some stores reported a marked increase in sales.^[186]

In an editorial, the South China Morning Post noted that, on 29 September, the air quality in all three of the occupied areas had markedly improved. The health risk posed by airborne pollutants was "low" – it is usually "high" – and there was a steep fall in the concentration of NO₂. It said: "without a policy shift, after the demonstrations have ended, we will have to rely on our memories of the protest days for what clean vehicles on our roads mean for air quality".^[187]

Effects on Hong Kong society

The protests are causing strong differences of opinion in Hong Kong society, with a "yellow (pro-occupy) vs. blue (anti-occupy)" war being fought, and unfriending on social media.^[188] The media have reported conflict within peer groups over values or what positions may be orthodox, and rifts have formed between mentor–mentees over the extent to which the movement should go. Parents have rowed with their children over their attending protests.^[189] Hong Kong people who oppose the Occupy protests do so for a number of different reasons. A significant part of the population, refugees from Communist China in the 1950s and 1960s, lived through the turmoil of the Hong Kong 1967 Leftist riots. Others feel that the protesters are too idealistic, and fear upsetting the PRC leadership and the possibility of another repeat of the crackdown that ended the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.^[190] However, the overwhelming reason is that disruption to the lives of ordinary citizens caused by roads blocked, traffic jams, school closures, and financial loss to businesses (including in particular those run by the Triads in Mong Kok).^[190] According to some reports, the police actions on the protesters has resulted in a breakdown of citizens' trust in the previously respected police force. The police vehemently deny accusations that they failed to act diligently.^[60] The media have reported on individuals who have quit their jobs, or students abroad who have rushed home to be a part of history, and one protester saw this as "the best and last opportunity for Hong Kong people's voices to be heard, as Beijing's influence grows increasingly stronger".^[62] Police officers have been working 18-hour shifts to the detriment of their family lives.^[16] Front line police officers, in addition to working long hours, being attacked and abused on the streets, are under unprecedented stress at home. Psychologists working with police officers in the field report that some feel humiliated as they may have been unfriended on Facebook, and family may blame them for their perceived roles in suppressing the protests.^{[191][192][193]}

In an opinion poll of Hong Kong citizens carried out since 4 October by Hong Kong Polytechnic University, 59% of the 850 people surveyed supported the protesters in their refusal to accept the government plan for the 2017 election. 29% of those questioned, the largest proportion, blamed the violence that had occurred during the demonstrations on chief executive Leung.^[16]

Local media

The prominent local station, TVB, originally broadcast footage of police officers beating a protester on 15 October, but the station experienced internal conflict during the broadcast.^[194] The protester was later named as Civic Party member Ken Tsang.^[194] Secret audio recordings from the meeting were uploaded onto YouTube that included the voice of TVB director Keith Yuen Chi-wai (袁志偉) asking "On what grounds can we say officers dragged him to a dark corner, and punched and kicked him?"^[195]

Pre-dawn broadcasts that mentioned the "punching and kicking" was voiced over to say that the officers were "suspected of using excessive force".^[195] Two pan-democrats lawmakers Claudia Mo and Gary Fan wrote a letter to the station's general manager Mark Lee Po-on for erasing the voices.^[195] About 57 journalists expressed their dissatisfaction with the handling of the broadcast. A petition by TVB staff to management protesting the handling of the event was signed by news staff.^[194] The list grew to 80+ people including employees from sports, economics and other departments.^[196]

Chinese government and media

On 28 September it emerged that Chinese government authorities had issued the following censorship directive: "All websites must immediately clear away information about Hong Kong students violently assaulting the government and about 'Occupy Central.' Promptly report any issues. Strictly manage interactive channels, and resolutely delete harmful information. This [directive] must be followed precisely."^{[197][198][199]} Censors rapidly deleted messages internet posts with words such as "Hong Kong," "barricades", "Occupy Central" and "umbrella".^[200] Sections of the CNN reporting from Hong Kong was also disrupted.^[200] Most Chinese newspapers have not covered the protests except for editorials with Beijing's condemnation of the protests and devoid of any context.^[200][201] The Chinese website of the BBC was completely blocked after a video showing the violent assault on a protester by police on 15 October hosted on the site went viral.^[202] Amnesty International reported that dozens of Chinese people have been arrested for showing support for the protests.^[203]

Foreign interference was blamed for the protests, and the phrase "hostile forces" (敌对势力) – a hardline Stalinist term – has been frequently used in a conspiracy theory alleging foreign sources of instigation.^[204] Scholarism has been labelled as extremists and a pro-Beijing journal in Hong Kong said that Joshua Wong had been cultivated by "US forces".^[205] An article in the Chinese Communist Party's newspaper, the People's Daily, by the deputy director of China's National People's Congress Internal and Judicial Affairs Committee, Li Shenming, stated: "In today's China, engaging in an election system of one-man-one-vote is bound to quickly lead to turmoil, unrest and even a situation of civil war."^[206] On 29 September, the People's Daily claimed that organisers of the Hong Kong protests learned their tactics from supporters of the Sunflower Student Movement in Taiwan, having first sought support from the United Kingdom and the United States.^[207][208] Earlier in the year, in June, leaders of the Sunflower movement and other student activists and academics from Taiwan had been denied visas to enter Hong Kong.^[209] Apart from being used as a straightforward means to avoid blame, analysts have said that Chinese claims of foreign involvement, which may be rooted in Marxist ideology, or simply in an authoritarian belief that "spontaneity is impossible", are "a pre-emptive strike making it very difficult for the American and British governments" to support the protests.^[15][210]

On 1 October, the People's Daily said that the Beijing stance on Hong Kong's elections is "unshakeable" and legally valid. It stated that the protests are illegal and are hurting Hong Kong and warned, "If it continues, the consequences will be unimaginable."^[211] Some observers remarked that the editorial was similar to the April 26 Editorial that foreshadowed the suppression of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.^[212][213] An editorial broadcast on state TV on the following day announced that residents should help authorities to "deploy police enforcement decisively" and "restore the social order in Hong Kong as soon as possible," warning of "unimaginable consequences" if the protests continue.^[214] The People's Daily said in a front page commentary on 3 October that the protests "could lead to deaths and injuries and other grave consequences."^[12][215]

By 6 October, official Chinese media outlets were claiming that "more people in Hong Kong are supporting the anti-Occupy Central movement". They called for "all the people to create an anti-Occupy Central atmosphere in the society". The protesters were described as "going against the principle of democracy". A commentary in the China Review News claimed that "the US is now hesitant in its support for the Occupy Central. If those campaign organisers suddenly soften their approach, it will show that their American masters are giving out a different order."^[216][217]

On 11 October, the English on-line edition of the People's Daily said that the US National Endowment for Democracy was behind the protests. It claimed that, "according to media reports," Louisa Greve, a director of the organisation, had met with the protest leaders months earlier. "It is hardly likely that the US will admit to manipulating the 'Occupy Central' movement, just as it will not admit to manipulating other anti-China forces. It sees such activities as justified by 'democracy', 'freedom', 'human rights' and other values," it continued. Observing that "The results of Amreica's 'Color Revolutions' have hardly been a success" [sic], it concluded, "The US may enjoy the sweet taste of interfering in other countries' internal affairs, but on the issue of Hong Kong it stands little chance of overcoming the determination of the Chinese government to maintain stability and prosperity."^[218] The US State Department responded that US officials "categorically reject accusations that we are manipulating the activities of any person, group or political party in Hong Kong."^[219]

A Chinese government official gave the first briefing in Hong Kong to foreign journalists on 15 October. The official, who did not want to be named, observed that a kind of foreign interference exists given "the statements and the rhetoric and the behaviour of the outside forces of political figures, of some parliamentarians and individual media". He affirmed the Chinese government's firm support for the chief executive and, in the wake of the video which had gone viral globally that showed police assaulting a prone and defenceless protester, he asserted that the actions of the police in Hong Kong were "necessary, reasonable and lawful".^[220] The New York Times China correspondents say that the strategy for dealing with the crisis in Hong Kong was being planned under supervision from the top-tier national leadership, which was being briefed on a daily basis. According to the report, Hong Kong officials are in meetings behind the scenes with mainland officials in neighbouring Shenzhen, at a resort owned by the central government liaison office.^[221]

Chinese dissent

In urging students to set aside their protest, Bao Tong, the former secretary of Premier Zhao Ziyang, said he could not predict what the leadership would do.^[222] He believed Zhao meant universal suffrage where everyone had the right to vote freely, and not this "special election with Chinese characteristics".^[222][223] Bao said today's PRC leaders should respect the principle that HK citizens rule themselves, or Deng Xiaoping's promises to Hong Kong would have been fake.^[222][223] Hu Jia co-authored an opinion piece for the Wall Street Journal, in which he wrote "China has the potential to become an even more relentless, aggressive dictatorship than Russia... Only a strong, unambiguous warning from the US will cause either of those countries to carefully consider the costs of new violent acts of repression. Hong Kong and Ukraine are calling for the rebirth of American global leadership for freedom and democracy.^[224]

Amnesty International said that at least 37 mainland Chinese have been detained for supporting Hong Kong protesters in different ways: some posted pictures and messages online, others had been planning to travel to Hong Kong to join protesters. A poetry reading planned for 2 October in Beijing's Songzhuang art colony to support Hong Kong protesters was disrupted, and a total of eight people were detained. A further 60 people have been taken in for questioning by police.^[225][226]

Domestic reactions

Pro-democracy

• Director of Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor Law Yuk-kai was dissatisfied with the unnecessary violence by the police. He said students only broke into the Civic Square to sit-in peacefully, with no intentions of destroying government premises.^[227] He questioned the mobilisation of riot police while protesters staged no conflict. Also, the over use of batons were underestimated by the police, because the weapon could severely harm protesters.^[227]

• Former HK Governor Chris Patten said "When HK was assured of universal suffrage, no one said Iran was the democratic model that China's Communist bureaucracy had in mind."^[228]

• Former Chief Secretary, Anson Chan, expressed disappointment at Britain's silence on the matter, and urged Britain to assert its legal and moral responsibility towards Hong Kong and not just think about trade opportunities. Chan dismissed China's accusation of foreign interference, saying: "Nobody from outside could possibly stir up this sort of depth of anger and frustration."^[229]

• Lawmaker Albert Ho said "One of the tactics used by the communists in mainland China from time to time. They use triads or pro-government mobs to try to attack you so the government will not have to assume responsibility."^[230]

Pro-Beijing

• Legislative Council Chairman Jasper Tsang Yok-sing has disagreed that the police were excessively violent, saying they would not misuse pepper spray.^[231]

• Former Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa when asking the students to leave protest, said "You have made a great sacrifice by putting aside everything to join the movement in the pursuit of democracy. But the rule of law and obeying the law form the cornerstone of democracy."^[232]

• Former Legco president Rita Fan said "to support the movement, some protesters background have resources that are supported by foreign forces using young people for a cause. To pursue democracy that effects other people's livelihood is a form of democratic dictatorship."^[233]

International reactions

Organisations

On 23 October, the UN Human Rights Committee, which monitors compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, urged China to allow free elections in Hong Kong.^[234][235] The committee emphasised specifically that 'universal suffrage' includes the right to stand for office as well as the right to vote. Describing China's actions as "not satisfactory", the committee's chairman Konstantine Vardzelashvili announced that "The main concerns of Committee members were focused on the right to stand for elections without unreasonable restrictions."^[17]

A spokesman for China's Foreign Ministry confirmed on the following day that the Covenant, signed by China in 1998, did apply to Hong Kong, but said that, nonetheless, "The covenant is not a measure for Hong Kong's political reform", and that China's policy on Hong Kong's elections had "unshakable legal status and effect". Reuters observed that "It was not immediately clear how, if the covenant applied to Hong Kong, it could have no bearing on its political reform."^[18]

States

Countries' leaders around the world supported the protesters' right to protest and their cause of universal suffrage and urged restraint on all sides, with the notable exception of Russia, whose state media claimed that the protests were another West-sponsored colour revolution similar to the Euromaidan.^{[15][236][237]}

British Prime Minister David Cameron expressed deep concern about clashes in Hong Kong and said that he felt an obligation to the former colony.^[238][239] Cameron said on 15 October that Britain should stand up for the rights set out in the Anglo-Chinese agreement.^[240] The Foreign Office called on Hong Kong to uphold residents' rights to demonstrate, and said that the best way to guarantee these rights is through transition to universal suffrage.^[241][242] On 22 October a Foreign Office minister stated in Parliament that the UK's licensing of the sale of tear gas to Hong Kong was likely to be reassessed in light of its use against protesters.^[243]

InTaiwan, the situation in Hong Kong is closely monitored since China aims to reunify the island with a "One Country, Two Systems" model similar to one that is used in Hong Kong.^[244] President Ma Ying-jeou said: "We are worried about the developments in Hong Kong. We are very concerned about how it will affect Hong Kong's future as well as China's international image."^[245] Ma expressed his understanding and support for Hong Kong residents' demand for universal suffrage, and said the realisation of universal suffrage will be a win-win scenario for both Hong Kong and mainland China.^[246] On 10 October, Taiwan's National Day, President Ma Ying-jeou urged China to introduce constitutional democracy, saying "now that the 1.3 billion people on the mainland have become moderately wealthy, they will of course wish to enjoy greater democracy and rule of law. Such a desire has never been a monopoly of the west, but is the right of all humankind."^[247] China responded to Ma through its Taiwan Affairs Office, saying Beijing was『firmly opposed to remarks on China’s political system and Hong Kong’s political reforms』and "Taiwan should refrain from commenting on the issue."^[248]

Foreign media

The incident has captured the attention of American and European media after the clearance and arrests outside the Central Government Complex. Beijing is generally reported as being concerned about similar popular demands for political reform on the mainland that would erode the Communist Party's hold on power.^[249]

While the local pan-democrats and the majority of the Western press supported the protesters' aspirations for universal suffrage, Martin Jacques, writing for The Guardian, argued that the PRC had "overwhelmingly honoured its commitment to the principle of one country, two systems". He believed that the reason for the unrest is "the growing sense of dislocation among a section of Hong Kong's population" since 1997.^[250] Tim Summers, in an op-ed for CNN, said that the protests were fuelled by dissatisfaction with the Hong Kong government, but the catalyst was the decision of the NPCSC. Criticising politicians' and the media's interpretation of the agreements and undertakings of the PRC, Summer said "all the Joint Declaration said is that the chief executive will be 'appointed by the central people's government on the basis of the results of elections or consultations to be held locally [in Hong Kong].' Britain's role as co-signatory of that agreement gives it no legal basis for complaint on this particular point, and the lack of democracy for the executive branch before 1997 leaves it little moral high ground either."^[251]

Events around the world

Rallies in support of the protests have occurred in worldwide locations including: Oslo, Bangkok, Manila, Vancouver, Chicago, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Seattle, Boston, Los Angeles, New York City, London, Manchester, Edinburgh, The Hague, Perth, Canberra, Sydney, Tokyo, Seoul, Toronto, Kaohsiung, Melbourne, Adelaide, Kuala Lumpur, Berlin, Munich, Bonn, Hamburg, Mostar, Macau, Paris, Dublin, Auckland, Copenhagen and Stockholm, principally in front of Hong Kong trade missions or Chinese consulates.^[252] These have been organised by Hong Kong Overseas Alliance and United for Democracy: Global Solidarity With Hong Kong.^[252][253] Petitions in Australia and to the White House urging support for the protests have collected more than 500 and 183,000 signatures respectively.^[252] In Taipei, locals organised a solidarity protest, where participants were reported to have scuffled with Taiwanese police after crowding a Hong Kong trade office.^[252] On 1 October, a gathering in Taipei's Liberty Square drew over 10,000 people in support of the protests.^[254] In Singapore, hundreds of people turned up for the candlelight vigil held at Hong Lim Park on 1 October to show support for the demonstrators in the Occupy Central protest in Hong Kong.^[255]

References