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On 5 November, three protesters were arrested by Hong Kong police during their first clash with police in more than 14 days. The incident involved police being unhappy about having a light flashed in their eyes.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/A/AS_HONG_KONG_DEMOCRACY_PROTEST?SITE=PAREA&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT|title=Pro-democracy protesters clash with police after weeks of calm in Hong Kong; 3 arrested|publisher=Reading Eagle Newspaper|accessdate=9 November 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2014/11/protesters-clash-with-police-hong-kong-201411611305648718.html|title=Protesters clash with police in Hong Kong|author=AP|publisher=Al Jazeera|accessdate=7 November 2014}}</ref> |
On 5 November, three protesters were arrested by Hong Kong police during their first clash with police in more than 14 days. The incident involved police being unhappy about having a light flashed in their eyes.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/A/AS_HONG_KONG_DEMOCRACY_PROTEST?SITE=PAREA&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT|title=Pro-democracy protesters clash with police after weeks of calm in Hong Kong; 3 arrested|publisher=Reading Eagle Newspaper|accessdate=9 November 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2014/11/protesters-clash-with-police-hong-kong-201411611305648718.html|title=Protesters clash with police in Hong Kong|author=AP|publisher=Al Jazeera|accessdate=7 November 2014}}</ref> Pro-Beijing [[New People's Party (Hong Kong)|New People's Party]] lawyer Chan Wing-leung (陳永良) came out to show support and represent the police officers who participated in the assault of protester Ken Tsang.<ref name="itn5">{{cite web|url= http://news.ltn.com.tw/news/world/breakingnews/1149199|title=支持港警律師被起底 任督察曾涉嫌私刑逼供|date=5 November 2014|accessdate=8 November 2014}}</ref> Controversially Chan was revealed to be a police officer in the 1980s who was the center of a police brutality case himself.<ref name="itn5" /><ref>{{cite web|url= http://news.sina.com.hk/news/20141106/-2-3452482/1.html|title=七俠五義陳永良被指作假口供|date=6 November 2014|accessdate=9 November 2014}}</ref> |
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==Organisation== |
==Organisation== |
||
| 2014 Hong Kong protests "Umbrella Movement" "Umbrella Revolution" | |||
|---|---|---|---|
Protesters outside government headquarters
| |||
| Date | 26 September 2014 (26 September 2014) – ongoing | ||
| Location | |||
| Caused by | Standing Committee of the National People's Congress decision on electoral reform regarding future Hong Kong Chief Executive and Legislative Council elections | ||
| Parties | |||
| |||
| Casualties and losses | |||
Tsim Sha Tsui
(1–3 Oct)
Wan Chai
(26 Sep –
3 Oct)
Golden Bauhinia Square (1 Oct)
The 2014 Hong Kong protests, also known as the Umbrella MovementorUmbrella Revolution, began in September 2014 when activists in Hong Kong protested outside the Hong Kong Government headquarters and occupied several major city intersections after China's Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) announced its decision on proposed electoral reform.[6] In disallowing civil nominations, the NPCSC made it clear that a 1200-member nominating committee, in which the composition remains subject to a second round of consultation, would elect two to three electoral candidates with more than half of the votes before the general public could vote on them.[7]
The Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism began protesting outside the government headquarters on 22 September 2014 against the NPCSC's decision.[8] On the evening of 26 September, several hundred demonstrators led by Joshua Wong breached a security barrier and entered the forecourt of the Central Government Complex (nicknamed "Civic Square"), which was once a public space that has been barred from public entry since July 2014. Officers cordoned off protesters within the courtyard and restricted their movement overnight, eventually removing them by force the next day.[9][10]
On 28 September, the Occupy Central with Love and Peace movement announced that they would begin their civil disobedience campaign immediately.[11] Protesters blocked both east–west arterial routes in northern Hong Kong Island near Admiralty. Police tactics (including the use of tear gas) and attacks on protesters by opponents that included triad members, triggered more citizens to join the protests, occupying Causeway Bay and Mong Kok.[12][13] The number of protesters peaked at more than 100,000.[14][15] The government called for an end to the protests by setting a 'deadline' of 6 October, but this was ignored by protesters, although they allowed government workers to enter offices that had previously been blocked.[16] The state-run Chinese media claimed repeatedly that the West had played an "instigating" role in the protests, and that "more people in Hong Kong are supporting the anti-Occupy Central movement," and warned of "deaths and injuries and other grave consequences."[17] In an opinion poll carried out by Chinese University of Hong Kong, only 36.1% of 802 people surveyed between 8–15 October accept NPCSC's decision but 55.6% are willing to accept if HKSAR Government would democratise the nominating committee during the 2nd phase of public consultation period.[18] On 23 October, the United Nations Human Rights Committee emphasised "the need to ensure universal suffrage, which means both the right to be elected as well as the right to vote."[19] China's Foreign Ministry responded that China's policy on Hong Kong's elections had "unshakable legal status and effect".[20]
The term 'Occupy Central' (佔中) is commonly used to describe the occupy campaign in Hong Kong. The name 'Umbrella Revolution' was coined by Adam Cotton on Twitter on 26 September, in reference to the umbrellas used for defence against tear gas, and quickly gained widespread acceptance.[21][22][23][24][25] The name was later rejected by some prominent members and supporters of the Occupy Central campaign uncomfortable with the supposed violent connotations of the name, and concerned as to how it would be perceived by Chinese authorities. They emphasised that the movement was not a colour revolution but rather a demand for free and fair elections, and proposed the name 'Umbrella Movement' as an alternative.[26][27][28]
As a result of the negotiations and the 1984 agreement between China and Britain, the British colony Hong Kong was handed overtothe People's Republic of China and became its first Special Administrative Region on 1 July 1997, under the principle of "One Country, Two Systems". Hong Kong has a different political system from mainland China. Hong Kong's independent judiciary functions under the common law framework.[29][30] The Hong Kong Basic Law, the constitutional document drafted by the Chinese side before the handover based on the terms enshrined in the Joint Declaration,[31] governs its political system, and stipulates that Hong Kong shall have a high degree of autonomy in all matters except foreign relations and military defence.[32] The declaration stipulates that the region maintain its capitalist economic system and guarantees the rights and freedoms of its people for at least 50 years after the 1997 handover. The guarantees over the territory's autonomy and the individual rights and freedoms are enshrined in the Hong Kong Basic Law, which outlines the system of governance of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, but which is subject to the interpretation of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC).[33][34]
The leader of Hong Kong, the Chief Executive, is currently elected by a 1200-member Election Committee, though Article 45 of the Basic Law states that "the ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures."[35] A 2007 decision by the Standing Committee opened the possibility of selecting the Chief Executive via universal suffrage in the 2017 Chief Executive election,[36] and the first round of consultations to implement the needed electoral reforms ran for five months in early 2014. Chief Executive CY Leung then, per procedure, submitted a report to the Standing Committee inviting them to deliberate whether it is necessary to amend the method of selection of the Chief Executive.[37]
On 31 August 2014, the tenth session of the Standing Committee in the twelfth National People's Congress set limits for the 2016 Legislative Council election and 2017 Chief Executive election. While notionally allowing for universal suffrage, the decision imposes the standard that "the Chief Executive shall be a person who loves the country and loves Hong Kong," and stipulates "the method for selecting the Chief Executive by universal suffrage must provide corresponding institutional safeguards for this purpose". The decision states that for the 2017 Chief Executive election, a nominating committee, mirroring the present 1200-member Election Committee be formed to nominate two to three candidates, each of whom must receive the support of more than half of the members of the nominating committee. After popular election of one of the nominated candidates, the Chief Executive-elect "will have to be appointed by the Central People's Government." The process of forming the 2016 Legislative Council would be unchanged, but following the new process for the election of the Chief Executive, a new system to elect the Legislative Council via universal suffrage would be developed with the approval of Beijing.[6]
The Standing Committee decision is set to be the basis for electoral reform crafted by the Legislative Council. Hundreds of suffragists gathered on the night of the Beijing announcement near the government offices to protest the decision.[38][39]
At a gathering in Hong Kong on 1 September to explain the NPCSC decision, deputy secretary general Li Fei said that the procedure would protect the broad stability of Hong Kong now and in the future.[38] Pro-democracy advocates viewed the decision as a betrayal of the principle of "one person, one vote," in that candidates deemed unsuitable by the Beijing authorities would have been pre-emptively screened out by the mechanism.[38] About 100 suffragists attended the gathering, and some were ejected for heckling and protesting.[38] Police broke up a group of demonstrators protesting outside the hotel where Li was staying, arresting 19 people for illegal assembly.[40]
In response to the NPCSC decision, the Democratic Party legislators promised to veto the framework for both elections as being inherently undemocratic; Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP) announced that it would organise civil disobedience protests.[38] The Hong Kong Federation of Students (representing tertiary students) and Scholarism mobilised students and staged a coordinated class boycott. They organised public rallies and street assemblies.[41][42] Tertiary students would commence a one-week boycott from 22 September. At the same time, Scholarism organised a demonstration outside of the Central Government Offices barricade on 13 September 2014 where they declared a class-boycott on 26 September.[43]
Having received a "notice of no objection" to the assembly on 26 September 2014 between 00:01 to 23:59, protesters gathered in Tim Mei Avenue near the eastern entrance of the Central Government Offices.[44] At around 22:30, up to 100 protesters led by Joshua Wong, the Convenor of Scholarism, went to "reclaim" the privatised Civic Square for the public by clambering over the fence of the square.[45] The police mobilised on Civic Square, surrounded protesters at the centre and prepared to physically remove the protesters overnight.[46][47] Protesters who chose to depart were allowed to do so; each of the remaining ones was carried away by four or more police officers. At 1:20am (of 27 September), the police used pepper spray on a crowd that had gathered near the Legislative Council, and some students were injured. By the following midnight, 13 people had been arrested including Joshua Wong, who was released after more than 40 hours upon being granted a writ of habeus corpus.[48]
At 1:30 pm, the police carried out the second round of clearances, and 48 men and 13 women were arrested for forcible entry into government premises and unlawful assembly.[49] A man was also arrested for possession of an offensive weapon. A police spokesman declared the assembly outside the Central Government Complex at Tim Mei Avenue illegal, and advised citizens to avoid the area. The arrested demonstrators, including Legislative Councillor Leung Kwok-hung and some HKFS members, were released around 9 pm. However, HKFS representatives Alex Chow Yong-kang and Lester Shum were detained for 30 hours.[50] The police eventually cleared the assembly, arresting a total of 78 people.[51][52]
Occupy Central with Love and Peace had been expected to start their occupation on 1 October, but this was accelerated to capitalise on the mass student presence.[53] At 1:40am on 28 September, Benny Tai, one of the founders of OCLP, announced its commencement at a rally near the Central Government Complex.[53][54]
Later that morning, protests escalated as police blocked roads and bridges entering Tim Mei Avenue. Protest leaders urged citizens to come to Admiralty to encircle the police.[55] Tensions rose at the junction of Tim Mei Avenue and Harcourt Road after the police used pepper spray. As night fell, armed riot police advanced from Wan Chai towards Admiralty and unfurled a banner that stated "Warning, Tear Smoke". Seconds later, at around 6 pm, shots of tear gas were fired.[56][57][58] The use of tear gas on peaceful protesters inspired tens of thousands of citizens to join the protests in Admiralty that night.[59][60][61][62] Containment errors by the police – the closure of Tamar Park and Admiralty Station – caused a spill-over to other parts of the city, including Wan Chai, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok, and universities.[60][63][64] 3,000 protesters occupied a road in Mong Kok and 1,000 went to Causeway Bay.[61] The total number of protesters on the streets swelled to 80,000,[64] at times considerably exceeding 100,000.[14][15]
The police confirmed that they fired tear gas 87 times.[65] The media recalled that last time Hong Kong police had used tear gas was on Korean protesters during the 2005 World Trade Organization conference.[58][66] At least 34 people were injured in that day's protests.[67] According to police spokesmen, officers exercised "maximum tolerance," and tear gas was used only after protesters refused to disperse and "violently charged".[66][68]
On 29 September, police adopted a less aggressive approach, sometimes employing negotiators to urge protesters to leave. 89 protesters were arrested; there were 41 casualties, including 12 police.[69] Carrie Lam announced that the second round of public consultations on political reform, originally planned to be completed by the end of the year, would be postponed.[70]
Joshua Wong and several Scholarism members attended the National Day flag raising ceremony on 1 October at the Golden Bauhinia Square, having undertaken not to shout slogans or make any gestures during the flag raising. Instead, the students faced away from the flag to show their discontent. District councillor Paul Zimmerman opened a yellow umbrella in protest inside the reception after the ceremony.[71][72][73] Protesters set up a short-lived fourth occupation site at a section of Canton RoadinTsim Sha Tsui.[74]
On 2 October, activists lay siege to the Central Government Headquarters.[60][75] Shortly before midnight, the Hong Kong Government responded to an ultimatum demanding universal suffrage with unscreened nominees: Chief Secretary for Administration, Carrie Lam agreed to hold talks with student leaders about political reform at an unspecified date.[76]
On 3 October, violence erupted in Mong Kok and Causeway Bay when groups of anti-Occupy Central activists including triad members and locals punched and kicked suffragists while tearing down their tents and barricades.[12][13][77][78] A student suffered head injuries. Journalists were also attacked.[12][79][80] The Foreign Correspondents' Club accused the police of appearing to arrest alleged attackers but releasing them shortly after.[81] One legislator accused the government of orchestrating triads to clear the protest sites.[13] It was also reported that triads, as proprietors of many businesses in Mong Kok, had their own motivations to attack the protesters.[62] There were 20 arrests, and 18 people injured, including 6 police officers. Eight of the people arrested had triad backgrounds, but were released on bail.[13][82] Student leaders blamed the government for the attacks, and halted plans to hold talks with the government.[83]
On 4 October, counter-protesters wearing blue ribbons marched in support of the police.[84] Patrick Ko of the Voice of Loving Hong Kong group accused the protesters of having double standards, and said that if the police had enforced the law, protesters would have already been evicted.[85] The anti-Occupy group Caring Hong Kong Power staged their own rally, at which they announced their support for the use of fire-arms by police and the deployment of the People's Liberation Army.[86]
In the afternoon, Chief Executive CY Leung insisted that government operations and schools affected by Occupy Central must resume on Monday. Former Democratic Party lawmaker Cheung Man-Kwong claimed the occupy campaign was in a "very dangerous situation," and urged them to "sit down and talk, in order to avoid tragedy".[87] The Federation of Students demanded the government explain the previous night's events and said they would continue their occupation of streets.[88] The pan-democracy camp held a press conference criticising the police presence as insufficient, and claiming that there had been an orchestrated attack involving the triads.[89] Secretary for Security Lai Tung-kwok denied accusations against the police, and explained that the reason for not using tear gas was due to the difference in geographical environment. Police claimed that protesters' barricades had prevented reinforcements from arriving on the scene.[90]
Pan-democracy legislator James To said that "the government has used organised, orchestrated forces and even triad gangs in [an] attempt to disperse citizens."[13] Violent attacks on journalists were strongly condemned by The Foreign Correspondents' Club, the Hong Kong Journalists' Association and local broadcaster RTHK.[91] Three former US consuls general to HK wrote a letter to the Chief Executive asking him to solve the disputes peacefully.[92]
On 5 October, leading establishment figures who had been sympathetic to the liberal cause, including university heads and politicians, urged the suffragists to leave the streets for their own safety.[93] The rumoured clearance operation by the police did not occur.[16] At lunchtime the government offered to hold talks if the protesters cleared the roads. Later that night, the government agreed to guarantee the protesters' safety, and Alex Chow Yong-kang, leader of the Federation of Students (HKFS), announced that he had agreed to begin preparations for talks with Leung's deputy, Carrie Lam.[16]
On 9 October, the government cancelled the meeting with student leaders that had been scheduled for 10 October.[94] Chief Secretary for Administration, Carrie Lam, explained at a news conference that "We cannot accept the linking of illegal activities to whether or not to talk."[95] Alex Chow said "I feel like the government is saying that if there are fewer people on the streets, they can cancel the meeting. Students urge people who took part in the civil disobedience to go out on the streets again to occupy."[95] Pro-democracy legislators threatened to veto non-essential funding applications, potentially disrupting government operations, in support of the suffragists.[96]
On 10 October, in defiance of police warnings, thousands of protesters, many with tents, returned to the streets.[96] Over a hundred tents were pitched across the eight-lane Harcourt Road thoroughfare in Admiralty, alongside dozens of food and first-aid marquees. The ranks of protesters continued to swell on the 11th.[97]
On 11 October, the student leaders issued an open letter to President Xi Jinping saying that CY Leung's report to NPCSC disregarded public opinion and ignored "Hong Kong people’s genuine wishes."[98]
At 5.30 am on 12 October, police started an operation to remove unmanned barricades in Harcourt Road (Admiralty site) to "reduce the chance of traffic accidents".[98] In a pre-recorded TV interview[99] CY Leung declared that his resignation "would not solve anything".[100] He said the decision to use tear gas was made by the police without any political interference.[101] Several press organisations including the Hong Kong Journalists Association objected to the exclusion of other journalists, and said that Leung was deliberately avoiding questions about the issues surrounding the electoral framework.[102][103]
On 13 October, hundreds of men, many wearing surgical masks and carrying crowbars and cutting tools, began removing barricades at various sites and attacking suffragists. Police made attempts to separate the groups. Suffragists repaired and reinforced some barricades using bamboo and concrete.[104][105][106] Protesters again claimed that the attacks were organised and involved triad groups.[107] Police made three arrests for assault and possession of weapons. Although police cautioned against reinforcing the existing obstacles or setting up new obstacles to enlarge the occupied area, suffragists later reinstated the barriers overnight.[104] Anti-occupy protesters began to besiege the headquarters of Next Media, publisher of Apple Daily. They accused the paper of biased reporting.[108] Masked men among the protesters prevented the loading of copies of Apple Daily as well as The New York Times onto delivery vans.[109] Apple Daily sought a court injunction and a High Court judge issued a temporary order to prevent any blocking of the entrance.[110] Five press unions made a statement condemning the harassment of journalists by anti-occupy protesters.[107]
In the early morning of 14 October, police conducted a dawn raid to dismantle barricades in Yee Wo Street (Causeway Bay site), opening one lane to westbound traffic.[111] They also dismantled barricades at Queensway, Admiralty, and reopened it to traffic.[112]
Before midnight on 15 October, protesters stopped traffic on Lung Wo Road, the arterial road north of the Central Government Complex at Admiralty, and began erecting barricades. The police was unable to hold their cordon at Lung Wo Road Tunnel and had to retreat for reinforcement and organised redemption. Around 3 am, police began to clear the road using batons and pepper spray. By dawn, traffic on the road resumed and the protesters retreated into Tamar Park, while 45 arrests were made.
Local television channel TVB broadcast footage of Civic Party member Ken Tsang being assaulted by police. He was carried off with his hands tied behind his back; then, while one officer kept watch, a group of about six officers punched, kicked and stamped on him for about four minutes.[113][114][115][116] Journalists complained that they too had been assaulted.[117][118] The video provoked outrage; Amnesty International joined others in calling for the officers to be prosecuted. In response, Secretary for security Lai Tung-kwok said that "the officers involved will be temporarily removed from their current duties."[113][114]
At 5am on 17 October, police cleared the barricades and tents at the Mong Kok site and opened the northbound side of Nathan Road to traffic for the first time in three weeks. In the early evening, at least 9000 protesters tried to retake the northbound lanes of the road. The police claimed that 15 officers sustained injuries. There were at least 26 arrests, including photojournalist Paula Bronstein.[119] Around midnight, the police retreated and the suffragists re-erected barricades across the road.[120][121]
On Sunday, 19 October, police used pepper spray and riot gear to contain the protesters in Mong Kok. Martin Lee, who was at the scene, said that "triad elements" had initiated scuffles with police "for reasons best known to themselves".[122] The police had arrested 37 protesters that weekend; the government said that nearly 70 people had been injured. At night, two pro-democracy lawmakers, Fernando Cheung and Claudia Mo, appeared at Mong Kok to mediate between the suffragists and the police, leading to a lowering of tensions as the police and suffragists each stepped back and widened the buffer zone. No clashes were reported for the night.[123]
On 20 October, a taxi drivers' union and the owner of CITIC Tower were granted a court injunction against the occupiers of sections of several roads.[124] In his first interview to international journalists since the start of the protests, CY Leung said that Hong Kong had been "lucky" that Beijing had not yet intervened in the protests, and repeated Chinese claims that "foreign forces" were involved.[125] He defended Beijing's stance on screening candidates. He said that open elections would result in pressure on candidates to create a welfare state, arguing that "If it's entirely a numbers game – numeric representation – then obviously you'd be talking to half the people in Hong Kong [that] earn less than US$1,800 a month [the median wage in HK]. You would end up with that kind of politics and policies."[126][127]
On 21 October, the government and the HKFS held the first round of talks in a televised open debate. HKFS secretary-general Alex Chow, vice secretary Lester Shum, general secretary Eason Chung, and standing members Nathan Law and Yvonne Leung met with HK government representatives Chief secretary Carrie Lam, secretary of justice Rimsky Yuen, undersecretary Raymond Tam, office director Edward Yau and undersecretary Lau Kong-wah. The discussion was moderated by Leonard Cheng, the president of Lingnan University.[128][129][130][131] During the talks, government representatives suggested the possibility of writing a new report on the students' concerns to supplement the government's last report on political reform to Beijing, but stressed that students' proposal of civil nomination falls outside of the framework imposed by the Basic Law and the NPCSC decision, which cannot be retracted.[132] The government described the talks as "candid and meaningful" in a press release, while the students expressed their disappointment at the lack of concrete results.[133]
On 22 October about 200 demonstrators marched to Government House, the official residence of the Chief Executive, in protest at his statement to journalists on 20 October about the need to deny political rights to the poor in Hong Kong.[134] At Mong Kok, members of the Taxi Drivers and Operators Association and a coalition of truck drivers attempted to enforce the court injunction granted two days earlier to remove barricades and clear the street. They were accompanied by their lawyer, who read out the court order to the demonstrators. Fist fights broke out during the afternoon and evening.[135]
On 23 October, a massive yellow banner which read "I want true universal suffrage" was hung on the Lion Rock, the iconic hill that overlooks the Kowloon Peninsula.[136] The location was chosen because Lion Rock represents Hong Kong's special identity[136][137] and is in contrast to Victoria Peak, which represents the elite.[138] The banner was removed the following day.[139]
On 25 October, a group of anti-Occupy supporters wearing blue ribbons gathered at Tsim Sha Tsui to show their support of the police. Four journalists from RTHK and TVB tried to interview them and were attacked.[140] The police had to escort the journalists out.[140] A female reporter for RTHK, a male reporter and two photographers for TVB were taken to hospital. An RTHK spokesman said the station will take legal action.[141] A group of about 10 men wearing face masks attacked Occupy supporters in Mong Kok.[142] Six people were arrested for common assault.[142] Alex Chow proposed a plan that would involve pan-democrat lawmakers resigning en-masse, triggering a by-election.『This will give citizens a chance to express their stance over the constitutional reform proposal they are facing, or the [National People’s Congress Standing Committee’s] decision on August 31, or whether functional constituencies should stay or go,』he explained in an interviewed on On the Record. He said that the protest would only end if the government offers a detailed timeline or roadmap to allow universal suffrage and withdrawal of the standing committee decision.[143][144]
On 28 October, the HKFS issued an open letter to the Chief Secretary Carrie Lam asking for a second round of talks. HKFS set out a prerequisite for the negotiation, that the government's report to the Chinese government must include a call for the retraction of the NPCSC's decision. The HKFS demanded direct talks with Premier Li Keqiang should the Hong Kong Government feel it cannot fulfil this and other terms.[145] Thousands of demonstrators armed with umbrellas gathered to mark the 30th day since the police fired tear gas, at 5.57 pm exactly, with 87 seconds of silence, one for each tear gas canister that was fired.[146]
On 29 October, after James Tien of the pro-Beijing Liberal Party urged Leung to consider resigning in a public interview on 24 October,[147] the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Standing Committee convened to discuss Tien's removal from the body as a move to whip the pro-establishment camp into supporting Leung and the country.[148] Tien said that Leung's position was no longer tenable as Hong Kong people no longer trusted his administration, and that his hanging onto office would only exacerbate the divisions in society.[149] Tien stepped down from his position as the leader of the Liberal Party after the removal.[150] Lester Shum refused bail extension based on conditions imposed after his arrest on 26 September, and was released unconditionally by police.[151] On 30 October Li Jian-jun, awarded by Reporters Without Borders as one of China's information hero, gave a controversial interview on the ATV show "News Bar Talk" (把酒當歌) regarding the political status of HK.[152]
On 5 November, three protesters were arrested by Hong Kong police during their first clash with police in more than 14 days. The incident involved police being unhappy about having a light flashed in their eyes.[153][154] Pro-Beijing New People's Party lawyer Chan Wing-leung (陳永良) came out to show support and represent the police officers who participated in the assault of protester Ken Tsang.[155] Controversially Chan was revealed to be a police officer in the 1980s who was the center of a police brutality case himself.[155][156]
The development of the occupied sites, in particular the Admiralty site, has been organic, and the media have observed the semblance of a community.[157] Time magazine described this as "classical political anarchism: a self-organizing community that has no leader"[157] And although there is no main organiser, teams of people working in shifts have taken charge of essential functions such as garbage collection, security, medical care, recycling and art work.[158][157] Well-stocked supply stations dispense water and other basic necessities such as toilet paper, saline solution, instant coffee and cereal bars free of charge. The medical team in Admiralty consists of more than 200 volunteers across four stations.[158] Wooden steps have been created to allow people to cross over the central divide of the 8-lane carriageway in Admiralty.[157] A study area has been created, complete with desk lamps and WiFi;[158][159][160] mobile phone charging stations that are powered by electricity generators.[158][161][162]
The protesters' politeness, tidiness and "staunch adherence to nonviolence" was widely commented on.[163][164][165][166][167] Protesters have written signs to apologise for the inconvenience caused and to denounce isolated incidents of vandalism.[168]
While most of the protesters were described as calm and polite, some have used the local online forum Hong Kong Golden Forum to discuss strategies and dox anti-Occupy figures, in addition to making memes and parody songs. The operation to block Lung Wo Road on 14 October, for example, was planned on the forum.[169] A man was arrested and charged with "access to computer with criminal or dishonest intent" on 18 October for posting online messages on the forum that urged others to join the Occupy protests in Mong Kok, charge at police cordons, and paralyse the railways. The police warned that further arrests could be made for incitement to join the protests.[170]
Malware in the form of a phishing attack was conducted on the protesters according to a security consultancy, which believed that Chinese intelligence was responsible.[171] Protesters used peer to peer messaging, such as WhatsApp and FireChat due to fears of the police disrupting mobile services.[172][173][174] Mesh networks such as FireChat and Serval Mesh have the potential to circumvent government oversight even if the Internet is being shut down.[175] Since FireChat messages are not encrypted, protesters also used Telegram.[176]
Art works and installations have appeared at protest sites, attracting interest from the world's media. These include the message board made up of multi-coloured post-it notes, named the 'Lennon Wall' after John Lennon, whose song "Imagine" became one of the anthems of the occupation, and there are posters and banners quoting from the song.[177][178] The main protest song is "Under a Vast Sky" by 1990s local group Beyond;[179] another musical anthem is "Do You Hear the People Sing?", from Les Miserables, which has been adapted with Cantonese lyrics with a pro-democracy message.[180][178] An assistant professor at the Polytechnic University initiated a design competition for the best logo and has received entries from all over the world.[178][181][182][183] In addition to the creation of banners and logos for the movement, artworks of all sizes have been created, including 'Umbrella Man', an iconic 3-metre statue created out of wood blocks, with an arm outstretched holding an umbrella.[184][185][182][186][187][188][189] The umbrella and the yellow ribbon have inspired a large number of memes.[178] The 28-metre banner hung on Lion Rock also inspired numerous memes, and a 3D scale model.[190][137][191] An image of President Xi Jinping holding an umbrella that won a top photojournalism award in China inspired another bout of meme-creation.[192] Some of the art works in Mong Kok have been destroyed in police clearance operations. To preserve the works, volunteers have formed the 'Umbrella Movement Art Preservation Group', ready to rescue them at a moment's notice. Some galleries have volunteered to take them, others have declined due to their political nature.[193][181]
The BBC showed video footage from a Hong Kong TV network which appeared to show 'anti-Occupy protesters' being hired and transported to an Occupy protest site. The 'protesters', many of whom were initially unaware of what they were being paid to do, were secretly filmed on the bus being handed money by the organiser. Anonymous police sources informed the BBC Newsnight investigation that "back-up was strangely unforthcoming" to scenes of violence. The South China Morning Post also reported claims that people from poor districts were being offered up to HK$800 per day, via WhatsApp messaging, to participate in anti-Occupy riots.[59][194]
The HK police has stated that up to 200 gangsters from two major triads may have infiltrated the camps of Occupy Central supporters, although their exact motives are as yet unknown. A police officer explained the police could not arrest the triad gangsters there "if they do nothing more than singing songs for democracy".[195] A 2013 editorial in the pro-independence Taipei Times of Taiwan described the pro-Beijing "grass-roots" organisations in Hong Kong: "Since Leung has been in office, three organizations – Voice of Loving Hong Kong, Caring Hong Kong Power and the Hong Kong Youth Care Association – have appeared on the scene and have been playing the role of Leung's hired "thugs", using Cultural Revolution-style language and methods to oppose Hong Kong's pan-democratic parties and groups."[196] Both Apple Daily and the Taiwan Central News Agency, as well as some pan-democrat legislators in Hong Kong, have named the Ministry of State Security and Ministry of Public Security as being responsible for the attacks.[197][198][199]
Legislative Council member James To alleged that "The police is happy to let the triad elements to threaten the students, at least for several hours, to see whether they would disperse or not." He added, "Someone, with political motive, is utilising the triad to clear the crowd, so as to help the government to advance their cause."[200] Amnesty International condemned the police for "[failing] in their duty to protect protesters from attacks" and stating that women were attacked, threatened, and sexually assaulted while police watched and did nothing.[59] Commander Paul Edmiston of the police admitted officers had been working long hours and had received heavy criticism. Responding to accusations that police chose not to protect the protesters, he said: "No matter what we do, we’re criticized for doing too little or too much. We can't win."[66] An analysis in Harbour Times suggested that businesses that pay protection money to Triads in the neighbourhood stood to be affected by an occupation.[60] The journal criticised police response as being at first disorganised and slow onto the scene, but observed that its handling was within operating norms in triad-heavy neighbourhoods although it was affected by low levels of mutual trust, suspicion.[60]
Surface traffic between Central and Admiralty, Causeway Bay, as well as in Mong Kok, was seriously affected by the blockades, with traffic jams stretching for miles on Hong Kong Island and across Victoria Harbour.[201][202] Major tailbacks were reported in Queensway, Gloucester Rd and Connaught Rd, which are feeder roads to the blockaded route in Admiralty.[53] Whilst in excess of 100 bus or tram routes have been suspended or re-routed,[203] queues for underground trains in the Admiralty district stretched out onto the street at times.[201] The MTR, the city's underground transport operator, has been a beneficiary.[204] The number of passenger trips recorded on two of its lines has increased by 20 percent.[205] Others have opted to walk instead of driving.[206] Taxi drivers have reported a fall in income as they have had to advise passengers to use the MTR when faced with jams, diversions or bloackaded roads.[207] Hong Kong Taxi Owners' Association claimed its members' incomes had declined by 30 percent since the protests started.[208]
Nursery, primary and secondary schools within the Central and Western catchment areas were suspended from 29 September onwards. Classes for 25,000 primary students and 30,000 secondary students resumed on 7 October.[4][209][210] Kindergartens and nursery schools resumed operations on 10 October, adding to the traffic burden.Cite error: The <ref> tag has too many names (see the help page). The media reported that some shops and banks in the protest areas were shuttered.[203]
According to the World Bank, the protests were damaging Hong Kong's economy while China remained largely unaffected. Reuters reported that the protests had contributed to a $50 billion drop in share value on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange.[201] Although the Hang Seng Index fell by 2.59% during the "Golden Week", it recovered and trading volume rose considerably.[211] Shanghai Daily published on 4 October estimated that the protests had cost Hong Kong HK$40 billion ($5.2 billion), with tourism and retail reportedly being hardest hit. However, tourist numbers for the "Golden Week" (beginning 1 October) were 4.83% higher than the previous year, according to the Hong Kong Tourism Board. While substantial losses by retailer were predicted, some stores reported a marked increase in sales.[211] Triad gangs, which had reportedly suffered a 40% decline in revenues, were implicated in the attacks in Mong Kok, where some of the worst violence had occurred.[82][96][212][197]
In an editorial, the South China Morning Post noted that, on 29 September, the air quality in all three of the occupied areas had markedly improved. The health risk posed by airborne pollutants was "low" – it is usually "high" – and there was a steep fall in the concentration of NO2. It said: "without a policy shift, after the demonstrations have ended, we will have to rely on our memories of the protest days for what clean vehicles on our roads mean for air quality".[213]
The protests are causing strong differences of opinion in Hong Kong society, with a "yellow (pro-occupy) vs. blue (anti-occupy)" war being fought, and unfriending on social media, such as Facebook.[214] The media have reported conflict within peer groups over values or what positions may be orthodox, and rifts have formed between mentor–mentees over the extent to which the movement should go. Parents have rowed with their children over their attending protests.[215] Hong Kong people who oppose the Occupy protests do so for a number of different reasons. A significant part of the population, refugees from Communist China in the 1950s and 1960s, lived through the turmoil of the Hong Kong 1967 Leftist riots. Others feel that the protesters are too idealistic, and fear upsetting the PRC leadership and the possibility of another repeat of the crackdown that ended the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.[216] However, the overwhelming reason is that disruption to the lives of ordinary citizens caused by roads blocked, traffic jams, school closures, and financial loss to businesses (including in particular those run by the Triads in Mong Kok).[216] According to some reports, the police actions on the protesters has resulted in a breakdown of citizens' trust in the previously respected police force. The police vehemently deny accusations that they failed to act diligently.[59] The media have reported on individuals who have quit their jobs, or students abroad who have rushed home to become a part of history, and one protester saw this as "the best and last opportunity for Hong Kong people's voices to be heard, as Beijing's influence grows increasingly stronger".[62] Police officers have been working 18-hour shifts to the detriment of their family lives.[217] Front line police officers, in addition to working long hours, being attacked and abused on the streets, are under unprecedented stress at home. Psychologists working with police officers in the field report that some feel humiliated as they may have been unfriended on Facebook, and family may blame them for their perceived roles in suppressing the protests.[218][219][220]
In an opinion poll of Hong Kong citizens carried out since 4 October by Hong Kong Polytechnic University, 59% of the 850 people surveyed supported the protesters in their refusal to accept the government plan for the 2017 election. 29% of those questioned, the largest proportion, blamed the violence that had occurred during the demonstrations on the chief executive CY Leung.[217]
Many of Hong Kong's media outlets are owned by local tycoons who have significant business ties in the mainland, so they have mostly maintained a conservative editorial line in their coverage of the protests. Next Media, being Hong Kong's only openly pro-democracy media conglomerate, has been the target of blockades by anti-Occupy protesters, cyberattacks, and hijacks of their delivery trucks. The uneven spread of viewpoints on traditional media has turned young people to social media for news, which The Guardian has described as making the protests "the best-documented social movement in history, with even its quieter moments generating a maelstrom of status updates, shares and likes."[221]
The prominent local station, TVB, originally broadcast footage of police officers beating a protester on 15 October, but the station experienced internal conflict during the broadcast.[222] Pre-dawn broadcasts that mentioned the "punching and kicking" was voiced over to say that the officers were "suspected of using excessive force".[223] Secret audio recordings from an internal meeting were uploaded onto YouTube that included the voice of TVB director Keith Yuen Chi-wai asking "On what grounds can we say officers dragged him to a dark corner, and punched and kicked him?"[223] The protester was later named as Civic Party member Ken Tsang, who was also a member of the Election Committee that returned CY Leung as the city's Chief Executive.[222] Two pan-democrats lawmakers Claudia Mo and Gary Fan wrote a letter to the station's general manager Mark Lee Po-on for erasing the voices.[223] About 57 journalists expressed their dissatisfaction with the handling of the broadcast. A petition by TVB staff to management protesting the handling of the event was signed by news staff.[222] The list grew to 80+ people including employees from sports, economics and other departments.[224]
Beijing is generally reported as being concerned about similar popular demands for political reform on the mainland that would erode the Communist Party's hold on power.[38] Reuters sources revealed that the decision to offer no concessions was made at a meeting of the National Security Commission chaired by President Xi Jinping in the first week of October. "[We] move back one step and the dam will burst," a source was reported as saying, referring to mainland provinces such as Xinjiang and Tibet making similar demands for democratic elections.[225][226] The New York Times China correspondents say that the strategy for dealing with the crisis in Hong Kong was being planned under supervision from the top-tier national leadership, which was being briefed on a daily basis. According to the report, Hong Kong officials are in meetings behind the scenes with mainland officials in neighbouring Shenzhen, at a resort owned by the central government liaison office.[227] The HKFS, which had been hoping to send a delegation to meet with the leadership in Beijing, has been rebuffed by local members of the NPC whom they asked to help set up the meetings.[228]
President Xi Jinping stated his support for CY Leung on the 44th day of the occupation, saying the occupation was a "direct challenge not just to the SAR and its governance but also to Beijing". Xi also said that Leung's administration must govern to safeguard the rule of law and maintain social order.[229]
On 28 September it emerged that Chinese government authorities had issued the following censorship directive: "All websites must immediately clear away information about Hong Kong students violently assaulting the government and about 'Occupy Central.' Promptly report any issues. Strictly manage interactive channels, and resolutely delete harmful information. This [directive] must be followed precisely."[230][231][232] Censors rapidly deleted messages internet posts with words such as "Hong Kong," "barricades", "Occupy Central" and "umbrella".[233] Sections of the CNN reporting from Hong Kong was also disrupted.[233] Most Chinese newspapers have not covered the protests except for editorials critical of the protests and devoid of any context,[233][234] or articles mentioning the negative impact of the occupation.[235] The Chinese website of the BBC was completely blocked after a video showing the violent assault on a protester by police on 15 October hosted on the site went viral.[236] Amnesty International reported that dozens of Chinese people have been arrested for showing support for the protests.[237] However, Reuters noted that searches for "Umbrella Revolution" up to 30 September escaped censors on Sina Weibo but not on Tencent Weibo.[238]
Li Fei, the first Chinese official to address Hong Kong about the NPCSC decision, accused democracy advocates of being tools for subversion by Western forces who were set at undermining the authority of the Communist Party. Li alleged that they were “sowing confusion” and “misleading society”.[38] Scholarism has been labelled as extremists and a pro-Beijing journal in Hong Kong alleged that Joshua Wong had been cultivated by "US forces".[239] The People's Daily claimed that organisers of the Hong Kong protests learned their tactics from supporters of the Sunflower Student Movement in Taiwan, having first sought support from the United Kingdom and the United States.[240][241] In one of numerous editorials condemning the occupation, the People's Daily said "The US may enjoy the sweet taste of interfering in other countries' internal affairs, but on the issue of Hong Kong it stands little chance of overcoming the determination of the Chinese government to maintain stability and prosperity".[177] It alleged that the US National Endowment for Democracy (NED) was behind the protests, and that Louisa Greve, a director of the organisation, had met with the protest leaders months earlier.[242] The US State Department categorically rejected accusations that the US was "manipulating the activities of any person, group or political party in Hong Kong."[243] On 15 October, in the first briefing given to foreign journalists by a Chinese government official since the protest began, an official, who preferred to remain anonymous, stated that "interference certainly exists", citing "the statements and the rhetoric and the behaviour of the outside forces of political figures, of some parliamentarians and individual media".[244] In a televised interview on 19 October – his second since the protests began – Chief Executive CY Leung repeated Chinese claims about foreign responsibility for the protests, accusing different countries in different parts of the world, but declined to give details.[245][177] The China Media Project of the University of Hong Kong noted that the phrase "hostile forces" (敌对势力) – a hardline Stalinist term – has been frequently used in a conspiracy theory alleging foreign sources of instigation.[246] Apart from being used as a straightforward means to avoid blame, analysts said that Chinese claims of foreign involvement, which may be rooted in Marxist ideology, or simply in an authoritarian belief that "spontaneity is impossible", are "a pre-emptive strike making it very difficult for the American and British governments" to support the protests.[17][247]
Deputy director of China's National People's Congress Internal and Judicial Affairs Committee, Li Shenming, stated: "In today's China, engaging in an election system of one-man-one-vote is bound to quickly lead to turmoil, unrest and even a situation of civil war."[248] The mainland media also contested the protesters demands for democracy by blaming the colonial rulers, saying Britain "gave our Hong Kong compatriots not one single day of it", notwithstanding the fact that de-classified British diplomatic documents indicate that the lack of democracy since at least late 1950s was largely attributable to the refusal of the PRC to allow it.[249]
On 1 October, China News Service criticised the protesters for "bringing shame to the rule of law in Hong Kong";[250] the People's Daily said that the Beijing stance on Hong Kong's elections is "unshakeable" and legally valid. Stating that the illegal occupation was hurting Hong Kong, it warned of "unimaginable consequences"[251] Some observers remarked that the editorial was similar to the April 26 Editorial that foreshadowed the suppression of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.[252][253] A state television editorial urged authorities to "deploy police enforcement decisively" and "restore the social order in Hong Kong as soon as possible," and again warned of "unimaginable consequences",[254] and a front page commentary in People's Daily on 3 October repeated that the protests "could lead to deaths and injuries and other grave consequences."[12][255]
By 6 October, official Chinese media outlets called for "all the people to create an anti-Occupy Central atmosphere in the society". The protesters were described as "going against the principle of democracy". A commentary in the China Review News claimed that "the US is now hesitant in its support for the Occupy Central. If those campaign organisers suddenly soften their approach, it will show that their American masters are giving out a different order."[256][257]
Chinese government officials have routinely affirmed the Chinese government's firm support for the chief executive and for the continued "necessary, reasonable and lawful" actions by the police against the illegal protests.[244][125][250]
While the Western press noticed the apparent silence of Hong Kong's richest businessmen since the occupation began,[258][259][260] Xinhua News Agency posted an English-language article in the morning of 25 October criticising the absence of condemnation of the occupation from the city's tycoons in response to the protest, but the article was deleted several hours later.[261][262] A replacement article that appeared that evening, in Chinese, stated how tycoons strongly condemned the protest, and quoted a number of them with pre-occupation soundbites reiterating how the occupation would damage Hong Kong's international reputation, disrupt social disorder and cause other harmful problems to society.[261]
In urging students to set aside their protest, Bao Tong, the former polical secretary of CPC general secretary Zhao Ziyang, said he could not predict what the leadership would do.[263] He believed Zhao meant universal suffrage where everyone had the right to vote freely, and not this "special election with Chinese characteristics".[263][264] Bao said today's PRC leaders should respect the principle that HK citizens rule themselves, or Deng Xiaoping's promises to Hong Kong would have been fake.[263][264] Hu Jia co-authored an opinion piece for the Wall Street Journal, in which he wrote "China has the potential to become an even more relentless, aggressive dictatorship than Russia... Only a strong, unambiguous warning from the US will cause either of those countries to carefully consider the costs of new violent acts of repression. Hong Kong and Ukraine are calling for the rebirth of American global leadership for freedom and democracy.[265]
Amnesty International said that at least 37 mainland Chinese have been detained for supporting Hong Kong protesters in different ways: some posted pictures and messages online, others had been planning to travel to Hong Kong to join protesters. A poetry reading planned for 2 October in Beijing's Songzhuang art colony to support Hong Kong protesters was disrupted, and a total of eight people were detained. A further 60 people have been taken in for questioning by police.[266][267]
The Federation of Hong Kong Industries, whose 3,000 manufacturer members are largely unaffected as manufacturing in Hong Kong has been largely de-localised to the mainland, oppose the protests, due to concerns for the effects on investor confidence.[262] While the business groups have expressed concern at the disruption caused to their members,[277][278] the city's wealthiest individuals have kept a relatively low-profile as they faced the dilemma of losing the patronage of CPC leadership while trying to avoid further escalation with overt condemnations of the movement.[262] On the 19th day, Li Ka-Shing recognised that students' voices had been noted by Beijing, and urged them to go home "to avoid any regret".[279] Li was, however, criticised by Xinhua for not being unambiguous in his opposition for the movement and his support for Leung.[262] Lui Che Woo, the second richest man in Asia, appeared to hold a more pro-Beijing stance by stating that "citizens should be thankful to the police".[280] Lui was opposed to "any activity that has a negative impact on the Hong Kong economy".[262]
On 23 October, the UN Human Rights Committee, which monitors compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, urged China to allow free elections in Hong Kong.[281][282] The committee emphasised specifically that 'universal suffrage' includes the right to stand for office as well as the right to vote. Describing China's actions as "not satisfactory", the committee's chairman Konstantine Vardzelashvili announced that "The main concerns of Committee members were focused on the right to stand for elections without unreasonable restrictions."[19]
A spokesman for China's Foreign Ministry confirmed on the following day that the Covenant, signed by China in 1998, did apply to Hong Kong, but said that, nonetheless, "The covenant is not a measure for Hong Kong's political reform", and that China's policy on Hong Kong's elections had "unshakable legal status and effect". Reuters observed that "It was not immediately clear how, if the covenant applied to Hong Kong, it could have no bearing on its political reform."[20]
Leaders of countries, especially in Europe, North America and Oceania, supported the protesters' right to protest and their cause of universal suffrage and urged restraint on all sides, with the notable exception of Russia, whose state media claimed that the protests were another West-sponsored colour revolution similar to the Euromaidan.[17][283][284] German president Joachim Gauck, celebrating the 24th anniversary of German reunification, praised the spirit of Hong Kong's suffragists to their own of 24 years ago who overcame their fear of their oppressors;[285] Chancellor Angela Merkel said freedom of speech should remain guaranteed by law in Hong Kong.[286]
British Prime Minister David Cameron expressed deep concern about clashes in Hong Kong and said that he felt an obligation to the former colony.[287][288] Cameron said on 15 October that Britain should stand up for the rights set out in the Anglo-Chinese agreement.[289] The Foreign Office called on Hong Kong to uphold residents' rights to demonstrate, and said that the best way to guarantee these rights is through transition to universal suffrage.[290][291] Former Hong Kong Governor and current Chancellor of the University of Oxford Chris Patten expressed support for the protests[292] and denounced the Iranian-style democratic model for the city.[293] Citing China's obligation to Britain to adhere to the terms of Sino-British Joint Declaration,[294] he urged the British government to put greater pressure on the Chinese state, and to help China and Hong Kong find a solution to the impasse.[295] The Chinese Foreign Ministry said Patten should realise that "times have changed",[296] and that no party had the right to interfere in China's domestic affairs.[297]
InTaiwan, the situation in Hong Kong is closely monitored since China aims to reunify the island with a "One Country, Two Systems" model similar to one that is used in Hong Kong.[298] President Ma Ying-jeou expressed concern for the developments in Hong Kong and its future,[299] and said the realisation of universal suffrage will be a win-win scenario for both Hong Kong and mainland China.[300] On 10 October, Taiwan's National Day, President Ma urged China to introduce constitutional democracy, saying "now that the 1.3 billion people on the mainland have become moderately wealthy, they will of course wish to enjoy greater democracy and rule of law. Such a desire has never been a monopoly of the west, but is the right of all humankind."[301] In response to Ma's comments, China's Taiwan Affairs Office said Beijing was "firmly opposed to remarks on China's political system and Hong Kong's political reforms .... Taiwan should refrain from commenting on the issue."[302]
The incident has captured the attention of American and European media after the clearance and arrests outside the Central Government Complex. Student leader Joshua Wong featured on the cover of Time magazine during the week of his 18th birthday,[303] and the movement was written about, also as a cover story, the following week.[304] While the local pan-democrats and the majority of the Western press supported the protesters' aspirations for universal suffrage, Martin Jacques, writing for The Guardian, argued that the PRC had "overwhelmingly honoured its commitment to the principle of one country, two systems". He believed that the reason for the unrest is "the growing sense of dislocation among a section of Hong Kong's population" since 1997.[305] Tim Summers, in an op-ed for CNN, said that the protests were fuelled by dissatisfaction with the Hong Kong government, but the catalyst was the decision of the NPCSC. Criticising politicians' and the media's interpretation of the agreements and undertakings of the PRC, Summer said "all the Joint Declaration said is that the chief executive will be 'appointed by the central people's government on the basis of the results of elections or consultations to be held locally [in Hong Kong].' Britain's role as co-signatory of that agreement gives it no legal basis for complaint on this particular point, and the lack of democracy for the executive branch before 1997 leaves it little moral high ground either."[306]
The Straits Times noted, after 33 days of occupation, that the two sides in the impasse seem entrenched and hawks gaining the upper hand as moderates leave.[307] Benny Tai and Chan Kin-man left due to exhaustion from attempting to exert a moderating influence on the more radical members of HKFS, and on hardline groups such as Civic Passion; third parties who have acted as mediators have long been sidelined.[307] Civic Party legislator Ronny Tong noted that "Any suggestion that they leave [is] not a matter of rational discussion any more".[307]
Rallies in support of the protests have occurred in worldwide locations including: Oslo, Bangkok, Manila, Vancouver, Ferguson, Chicago, Austin, Washington D.C., Philadelphia, San Francisco, Seattle, Boston, Los Angeles, New York City, London, Sussex, Manchester, Edinburgh, Amsterdam, The Hague, Melbourne, Adelaide, Perth, Canberra, Sydney, Tokyo, Seoul, Toronto, Kaohsiung, Kuala Lumpur, Bern, Vienna, Berlin, Dusseldorf, Munich, Bonn, Hamburg, Mostar, Macau, Paris, Dublin, Auckland, Copenhagen and Stockholm, principally in front of Hong Kong trade missions or Chinese consulates.[308] These have been organised by Hong Kong Overseas Alliance and United for Democracy: Global Solidarity With Hong Kong.[308][309] Petitions in Australia and to the White House urging support for the protests have collected more than 500 and 183,000 signatures respectively.[308] In Taipei, locals organised a solidarity protest, where participants were reported to have scuffled with Taiwanese police after crowding a Hong Kong trade office.[308] On 1 October, a gathering in Taipei's Liberty Square drew over 10,000 people in support of the protests.[310] In Singapore, hundreds of people participated in a candlelight vigil at Hong Lim Park on 1 October in sympathy with the Occupy Central protesters.[311]
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Media related to 2014 Hong Kong protests at Wikimedia Commons
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