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Contents

   



(Top)
 


1 Prelude  





2 Expedition  



2.1  Departure  





2.2  Northern prong  





2.3  Western prong  





2.4  Return  







3 Aftermath  





4 Legacy  



4.1  In scholarship  





4.2  In culture  







5 Tables  



5.1  Crew  





5.2  Concordance  







6 See also  





7 Notes and references  



7.1  Explanatory footnotes  





7.2  Short citations  





7.3  Full citations  
















Hernández de Córdoba expedition







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Coordinates: 19°5805N 88°5834W / 19.968°N 88.976°W / 19.968; -88.976
 

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Hernández de Córdoba expedition
Part of Spanish conquest of Yucatán

La conquista / 1971–1979 mural by F Castro Pacheco / via Commons
Date1 March – 30 April 1517 (1517-03-01 – 1517-04-30) / lower, upper bounds
Location
Yucatán Peninsula / north, west
19°58′05N 88°58′34W / 19.968°N 88.976°W / 19.968; -88.976
Result Chanputun victory
Belligerents
  • Canpech Province
  • Chanputun Province
  • Columbian Viceroyalty
    Commanders and leaders
    • Gonzalo Guerrero
  • Lázaro
  • Moch Couoh
  • Francisco Hernández de Córdoba (DOW)
    Strength
    very many men / likely; many – 33,000 reported 110 men / likely; 100–110 possible; excl sailors, servants
    Casualties and losses
    • many killed or injured / likely; some – many reported
  • 2–5 captured
    • 55 killed / likely; 20–57 possible
  • 52 injured / likely; 30 – over 50 possible
  • 2 captured / likely; 1–2 possible
  • Hernández de Córdoba expedition
    SponsorFrancisco Hernández de Córdoba, Cristóbal Morante, Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar
    StartHavana / accepted; other Cuban port possible
    8 February 1517 (1517-02-08) / accepted; other Feb date possible
    EndCuba
    April 1517 (1517-04)
    Goal
    • To capture Amerindian slaves in BayorLucayan islands / probable
  • To discover new lands / possible
  • Ships2 caravels, 1 brigantine
    Achievements
  • First non-Amerindian discovery of Yucatán Peninsula / disputed
  • Route

    Possible route of the Hernández de Córdoba expedition / 2017 map / via Commons

    The Hernández de Córdoba expedition was a 1517 Spanish maritime expedition to the Yucatán Peninsula led by Francisco Hernández de Córdoba. The enterprise proved disastrous and little profitable for the Spaniards, with half of them fatally wounded, the rest grievously injured, and all in all, very little gold to show for their troubles. It was nonetheless deemed an immediate and exciting success, having brought back news of vast lands inhabited by a rich and civilised people, namely, the Maya civilisation. The expedition is popularly credited as the first non-Amerindian contact with the Maya, and first non-Amerindian discovery of the Peninsula, though both these achievements are disputed in scholarly literature. It is deemed the opening campaign of the Spanish conquest of the Maya, and one of the precursor expeditions which led to the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire.[n 1]

    Prelude[edit]

    By the mid-1510s, Spanish settlements in the New World dotted only a few of the Antilles and some mainland coast in the southern Caribbean.[1] The generally-deprived conquistadors had yet to find that which had been promised them since the earliest Columbian voyages, namely, western maritime passage to the East Indies, Amerindians to force into encomienda or enslavement, and above all, copious amounts of gold.[2] The latter had proved dear and scarce, and the people they enslaved were being decimated not only by their captors' cruelty, but also European diseases such as smallpox.[1]

    In 1516, three wealthy Cuban settlers, Francisco Hernández de Córdoba, Cristóbal Morante, and Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, got together to undertake an expedition to the Lucayan archipelago[3] for the purpose of capturing and enslaving more people. Each man reportedly contributed between 1,500 and 2,000 castellanos for the undertaking, with Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar further contributing a brig and authorisation.[3] With Hernández de Córdoba named captain, the organisers promptly enlisted Bernardino Íñiguez as veedor, Alonso González as chaplain, a certain Morales as notary, and Antón de Alaminos, Camacho de Triana, and Juan Álvarez as pilots, and two ships, along with the necessary Spanish sailors and soldiers, native Cuban servants, and provisions.[4]

    Expedition[edit]

    Departure[edit]

    There are, curiously, few historical sources which precisely date the fleet's departure from Cuba. Though a majority of sources date the departure to 1517, only Bartolomé de las Casas and Bernal Díaz del Castillo date it to February 1517, and only the latter fixes a day, giving 8 February as the fleet's departure date from Havana.[5] Following Castillo, the fleet hugged the Cuban coastline for twelve days, up to Cape San Antón, from where they put out to sea on 20–21 February.[5] At this point, historical sources differ greatly.[5] Some sources state the fleet's route was fixed, while some claim it was not.[6] Still some in the former group further assert a storm was encountered which blew the ships off course, or claim strong currents were encountered which similarly took them off course, while others state the ships were intentionally steered off course upon a change of plans.[6] Furthermore, the time it took to cross the Yucatán Channel is variously given as four, six, 21, or 40 days.[6] Castillo, the only chronicler to give precise dates, claims a treacherous crossing of 21 days, implying a 13–14 March arrival in the Yucatán Peninsula.[7] Unfortunately, Castillo also gives a precise date, 4 March, as the day when a flotilla of five Maya canoes from Cape Catoche approached the fleet, thereby implying at least a 3–4 March arrival at the Peninsula.[7] Given such uncertainty, the historian Fernando Tola de Habich favours an arrival 'in the first days of March 1517.'[7]

    Northern prong[edit]

    As with departure details, there is likewise much disagreement among historical sources regarding the fleet's exact point of arrival in the Peninsula.[7] Tola de Habich favours an approach to some northerly cape on the mainland, rejecting as most improbable accounts of (i) an arrival to some northeasterly island, (ii) to Eccampi, (iii) to the province of Yucatán, and (iv) a forthwith coasting to Campeche.[8] The scholar thus proffers Cape Catoche, Punta de Yucatán, and Punta Mujeres as the fleet's possible points of arrival, with the last of these deemed likeliest.[9] Furthermore, while it is certain that, shortly upon first approaching the Peninsula, the ships disembarked at Cape Catoche, and thereafter coasted down to Campeche, exactly what occurred between first arrival and Campeche is, again, uncertain.[10] Tola de Habich suggests as likely the crew's disembarking at Punta Mujeres, there coming upon 'a small salt-harvesting town, perhaps abandoned, where they found a small Maya temple with golden figurines of goddesses; from here they surely espied a larger town at some nearby headland, which prompted the fleet towards it: this was the town called CairobyPeter Martyr, an appellation repeated by Castillo in his chronicle, adding the adjective Great.'[11] The historian situates Great Cairo in Cape Catoche, describing the momentous encounter between civilisations as follows.[11]

    It [Great Cairo] was also a small salt-harvesting town with some thatched, limestone houses, a temple, a minuscule pyramid, and a few clothed men, women, and children, who would have been flabbergasted at the coastal approach of strange ships from which disembarked a people so foreign in appearance, clothing, and language. It was an encounter worthy of astonishment for the Spaniards [too] because of the new things they now discovered of the New World, having prior known only of the simple and rustic life of the inhabitants of the Antilles and of the Caribbean coast of [non-Mesoamerican Central and] South America.

    — F Tola de Habich in Yucatán.[11]

    Accounts of this encounter are quite varied; nevertheless, a few common threads emerge, such as an encounter with local fishermen, descriptions of residents, golden ornaments, masonry buildings, temples, pyramids, towns, and 'Spanish awe at what they saw.'[12] Particularly notable is the anecdote regarding the name Yucatán, purportedly uttered by locals to mean 'I do not understand you' upon the Spaniards' asking them what they called their land.[13][n 2] Tola de Habich favours an alternative theory though, first reported by Castillo, which ascribed the name to one local christened Melchor.[14] Melchor was one of two local fishermen from Catoche pressed by the crew for service, the other being Julián (so named by the Spanish).[15][n 3] Similarly notable is the Spaniards' reported aweorterror upon reaching the Catoche town, their task suddenly looming large and foreboding compared to what they had expected.[16] At this point, there was reportedly talk of returning to Cuba to prepare a stronger fleet, but 'their curiosity got the better of them, as well as their hope of finding more gold and, undoubtedly, the sense that they had nothing to lose.'[17] And so, from Catoche, the fleet coasted southwards, encountering no resistance, and possibly no other coastal towns either.[18]

    Western prong[edit]

    Idoles de Campêche et de Iucatan / 1723 etching by B Picart / via BnF

    The cruise from Catoche to Campeche took 15 days per Castillo, or 110 Spanish nautical leagues per Martyr, with all sources agreeing the fleet arrived in Campeche on St Lazarus's feast day.[19] The welcome agreement ends here though, as details of the Spaniards' reception differ among sources.[20] Tola de Habich deems a cordial, even admiring, welcome likely, with residents and the batab coming up to shore to witness the fleet's entry, and the Spanish seizing the moment with a grand gun salute.[20] At this point, the captain and either a small number or all his men disembarked, leaving at least all sailors manning the ships (as was custom).[20][n 4] The Spanish found in Campeche a large town of, reportedly, close to 3,000 houses, presumably of limestone, in addition to at least one temple and some shrines, and perhaps a small pyramid.[20] Accounts of their stay in Campeche are varied; though two notable events are mostly agreed upon – a banquet, and a visit to the temple.[21] Sources describe at least five different menus for the welcome banquet afforded to the Spaniards, though all accounts suggest a great feast of many courses, heavy on fowl, game, maize, and seasonal fruits, though curiously lacking fish, greens, and beverages.[21][n 5] Having dined and rested to their hearts' content, the men were reportedly then invited to visit Campeche's most important site – its temple.[22] Tola de Habich quotes las Casas and others 'to get a clear idea of what they [Córdoba and company] saw and what it meant to them.'[23]

    [T]hey saw a tower or tower-like structure, squared, made of stone and whitewashed, with stairs; [...]. Atop sat a large idol with two lions or tigers which seemed to devour the idol by the flanks, and a serpent or animal of over 40 feet long and as wide as a thick ox which swallowed a fierce lion; all stone very well carved. Everything was awash in the blood of men who had been executed or sacrificed there.

    — B de las Casas in Historia.[24]

    According to Tola de Habich, the temple would likely have impressed and terrified the men, this being their first encounter with such monumental and beastly statues, and their first indication of human sacrifice, in the New World.[25] In spite of this, the Spaniards sojourned a few days in Campeche, possibly prompted by their hosts' hospitality, and thereafter continued on their way.[26]

    The fleet coasted southwest for some ten or 15 leagues, whereupon they sighted a town variously called Moscobo, Champotón, Nochopobón, and Potonchán in historical sources.[27] Though this settlement is often identified as either Potonchán (now known as Frontera, Tabasco) or Champotón (now known as Champotón, Campeche), the scholar Jorge N Iturriaga has recently argued that only the latter is correct.[28][n 6] Elated to find a source of fresh water, the much dehydrated men reportedly all disembarked with their pipas and arms aboard the brig and bateles, leaving the sailors and large ships a league offshore.[29] Events onshore, as narrated in historical sources, are 'very strange and on many points quite incomprehensible.'[30] Nevertheless, Tola de Habich accepts the following series of events as likely.[29]

    On land, the Spaniards, used to kindly receptions at Punta Mujeres, Cape Catoche, and Campeche, were now rather coldly received by armed locals who indicated their arrival was unwelcome.[31] Córdoba's men, 'stubborn' but in dire need of water, landed regardless and set to sating their thirst and filling their pipas at the riverbank.[31] Nightfall apparently crept up on the landed party, forcing the men to camp ashore for what must have been a tense night under the watchful eye of their aggrieved hosts.[32] The men next awakened at dawn to a growing audience of a great many locals dressed for battle, 'with cotton armour down to their knees, and bows and arrows, and spears and bucklers, and swords like two-handed montanes, and slingshots and stones, and plumes of the kind they usually don, and their faces masked in black and white.'[31] War drums now beat in their periphery, accompanied by a great roar, and an opening salvo of arrows and stones from all sides.[33] Frenzied combat ensued, reportedly amidst the local war captain's shouted orders of al calachoni, 'target the [Spanish] captain.'[33] Within 'little more than half an hour,' Córdoba, grievously injured, seeing nearly half his men fallen, a few captured, and little more than half alive but seriously injured, called for immediate retreat.[34] The survivors now rushed seawards to their brig and bateles, the locals in dogged pursuit even into sea.[35]

    The Spanish managed to reach the safety of their fleet, whereupon the full weight of their loss dawned on them – reportedly, 55 men killed, 2 captured, 52 injured, an unknown number of sailors dead or injured, and all water and pipas lost.[35] As Tola de Habich puts it, the engagement 'was a vicious carnage [...] the Spaniards' most catastrophic military defeat yet since arriving in the New World.'[35][n 7] Now in dire straits and unable to man both ships and the brig, the captain had the latter scuttled, and, with great effort, the surviving men put out to sea aboard the ships.[36]

    Return[edit]

    Most historical sources say the Spanish made a beeline for Cuba, which account Tola de Habich favours, but Castillo rather notes the fleet first anchored at Estero de los Lagartos in search of water, and finding none, were next led to Florida by Alaminos, from where they finally returned to Cuba after a native Floridian attack (though they had reportedly, at last, found water).[37]

    As with the fleet's departure, there are likewise precious few details regarding the fleet's return to Cuba.[38] What is certain, Tola de Habich notes, is that both ships arrived in Cuba sometime in April 1517, whereupon the governor Velázquez was debriefed.[39]

    Aftermath[edit]

    Córdoba died shortly upon arriving home at Sancti Spíritus, Cuba, purportedly from injuries sustained during the expedition.[40] His surviving men are thought to have endured a lengthy convalescence, with only 'a few' joining further expeditions west.[41]

    InSantiago, expeditionary reports of lands of 'greater wealth, organisation, and social and material development [than heretorfore known in the New World]' reportedly 'excited' Velázquez, who immediately got to work outfitting the 1518 Grijalva expedition, which would notably return with news of the gold-rich Aztec Empire.[42] The governor was similarly quick to claim credit for the discovery, successfully petitioning for the title of adelantado of Yucatán, granted him on 13 November 1518 in Zaragoza, which authorised his conquest and settlement of the Peninsula.[43]

    In the Maya Lowlands, at 'about the time of the Córdoba expedition a new and terrible disease devastated the [Yucatán] peninsula[; i]t was almost certainly smallpox, perhaps introduced by the expedition, though there is nothing to suggest that in the records, or by some forgotten victims of shipwreck, or brought by a long chain of Indian carriers from Panama.'[44]

    Legacy[edit]

    In scholarship[edit]

    The quasi-first-hand of Bernal Díaz del Castillo, and the second-hand account by Bartolomé de las Casas, have become influential sources in scholarly literature, though at least some historians have come to question their accuracy, with Fernando Tola de Habich recently calling them 'the most outlandish' accounts of the expedition.[45] Nevertheless, the Castillo chronicle remains influential in scholarly literature. For instance, it is followed by Tola de Habich (to some extent), Jorge Victoria Ojeda (mostly), and Inga Clendinnen (mostly).[46]

    Quite a few of the campaign's details have come to be questioned. Firstly, the fleet's earliest point of arrival is commonly regarded as Isla Mujeres, following a 16th-century chronicle which listed 'a punta which he [Córdoba] named de las Mujeres' as the fleet's first landing point.[47] However, Tola de Habich argues that said chronicle, and still other historical sources, do not lend support for Isla Mujeres as the first landing point, but rather indicate some cape on the mainland, possibly Punta Mujeres or Cape Catoche.[48] Similarly, Victoria Ojeda, following Marshall H Saville, rejects Isla Mujeres as the first landing point, deeming Cape Catoche as the likelier place.[49] Secondly, the expedition's objective is variously reported as either to kidnap people to force into enslavement in the Lucayan archipelago or Bay Islands, or to discover new lands.[50] Tola de Habich deems the former 'the most probable and supported [by evidence],' but nonetheless concedes the aim may have additionally been the latter one.[51] Victoria Ojeda makes a similar assessment.[52] Thirdly, since the influential 16th century chronicle of Castillo, quite a few historians have confused Potonchán for Champotón.[53] In a recent paper, the independent scholar José N Itarriaga clarifies that the Hernández de Córdoba expedition landed at Champotón, a pre-Columbian city coincident with the modern Mexican city of Champotón, Campeche, and not at Potonchán, a pre-Columbian city coincident with the modern Mexican city of Frontera, Tabasco.[28][n 8]

    Both achievements credited to the expedition have been disputed. For instance, while it is popularly regarded as the first non-Amerindian discovery of the Yucatán Peninsula, Victoria Ojeda notes the feat might rather be attributed to the 1508–1509 Pinzón–Solís voyage, or the 1511 stranding of Gonzalo Guerrero, Jerónimo de Aguilar, and company.[54] Tola de Habich makes a similar observation, further noting the Peter Martyr map as possible evidence in support of the former.[55] Curiously, the 1562 Chronicle of Chac Xulub Chen, by Ah Nakuk Pech, seems to attribute non-Amerindian discovery to the latter.[56] Similarly, some scholars ascribe first non-Amerindian contact with the Maya civilisation to the 1502 Honduran leg of Columbus's fourth voyage, or the aforementioned 1511 stranding.[57] Tola de Habich nonetheless underlines the importance of this expedition as the one which 'opened the doors' to Mesoamerica, thus leading to Spanish conquest thereof.[58]

    In culture[edit]

    Moch Couoh Park in Campeche / 2021 photograph by SH Darlin / via Flickr

    The Cape Catoche settlement, Great Cairo, attained mythic proportions in the collective memory of 16th century Spanish society, becoming a vast city 'five times greater than Paris,' dotted with 'many rich palaces.'[56] Victoria Ojeda attributes this simply to the novel sense of astonishment the settlement occasioned amongst Córdoba's men.[56] In a similar vein, the story of Yucatán's being a great island, bound by the Ascension Bay (east) and Laguna de Términos (west), is thought to have been spread by the expeditionary pilot, Antón de Alaminos.[52] This belief would not be corrected until further expeditions to what became New Spain.[52] In the northern Maya Lowlands, Victoria Ojeda thinks the arrival of Córdoba's men would have been interpreted by Maya priests as fulfilment of prophecies of the arrival of bearded men, which omen was said to augur times of 'weeping skies, scarcity of corn, and great hunger.'[59]

    The 500th anniversary of the Hernández de Córdoba expedition, in 2017, was commemorated with a number of celebrations throughout the Yucatán Peninsula and Mexico, including in Campeche, Cancún, Isla Mujeres, and Mexico City.[60] The 400th anniversary was commemorated by the federal government of Mexico via the 1917 dedication of a public monument in Isla Mujeres.[54]

    Tables[edit]

    Crew[edit]

    Known officers and crew of the Hernández de Córdoba expedition.[n 9]
    Surname Forename Post Notes
    Aguilar Hernando de ?
    Alaminos Antón de Pilot Crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions
    Álvarez Juan Pilot Also known as el Manquillo; crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions
    Aragón Juan de ?
    Ávila Pedro de ?
    Ávila Quiñones Gaspar de ? Previously also known as Dávila Quiñónez
    Béjar Benito de ? Crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions
    Benavides Alonso de ?
    Bernal Juan ? Crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions
    ? Bernardino Sailor Reportedly levantisco
    ? Berrio ? Captured in Florida
    Boto Alonso ? Captured in Champoton
    Camacho Pedro Pilot Crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions; also known as Camacho de Triana[n 10]
    Cuenca Benito de ? Crew in Grijalva and Narváez expeditions
    Díaz del Castillo Bernal ? Crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions
    Gibraltar Nicolás de ?
    González Alonso Clergyman
    Guisado Alonso ? Participation possibly uncertain; reportedly crew in Grijalva and Narváez expeditions
    Hernández de Alanís Cristóbal ? Reportedly also known as Hernández de Mosquera, H. de Alanis, H. de la Puebla
    Hernández de Córdoba Francisco Captain
    Hernández Sevillano Pedro ? Crew in Grijalva and Narváez expeditions; previously known as Perdo Hernández
    Íñiguez Bernardino Veedor[61]
    Jerez Alonso de ?
    López Diego ?
    López Francisco ? Reportedly crew in Grijalva expedition
    López Marroqué Pedro ?
    Martín Ginés ?
    Morales ? Scribe
    Ojeda Alonso de ? Participation previously uncertain; crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions; reportedly captured Xicoténcatl
    Ortiz de Zúñiga Alonso ? Participation uncertain; likely crew in Grijalva expedition; reportedly crew in Narváez expedition
    Ovide Pedro de ?
    Pérez de Ardón Juan ? Possibly also known as Juan Peréz
    Perón Pedro de Toledo ?
    Porras Diego de ? Reportedly crew in Cortés expedition
    Portillo Cindo de ? Participation previously uncertain; crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions; also known as friar Cindo de Villasinda, friar Cintos de San Francisco; see C de San Francisco
    ? ? ? Known as portugués viejo; captured in Champotón; Portuguese[62]
    Prieto Pedro ?
    Ramos de Lares Martín ?
    Ruiz de Alaniz Juan ? Reportedly cousin of C Hernández de Alaniz
    San Francisco Cintos de ? Friar; reportedly returned to New Spain with Marquis del Valle; see C de Portillo
    San Juan ? ? Possibly also known as el EntonadoorSan Juan de Uchila
    Vázquez Martín ?
    Vivanco ? ? Participation uncertain but known crew in early New Spain expeditions
    Zaragoza Miguel ? Crew in Grijalva and Cortés expeditions

    Concordance[edit]

    Concordance among select historical sources regarding select aspects of the Hernández de Córdoba expedition.[n 11]
    Claim letter Casas Castillo Gómara Martyr Oviedo Salazar Sepúlveda
    Fleet departed in 1517 Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes No Yes
    Expedition organised by Córdoba, Morante, and Caicedo Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Expedition organised by all crew Yes
    Expedition organised by Velázquez too Yes
    Expedition organised only by Velázquez Yes
    Expedition licensed only by Velázquez Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Velázquez put up a brig Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet composed of two ships, one brig Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew coached by organisers Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Córdoba captain Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Íñiguez veedor Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Alaminos pilot Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Maybe
    Camacho and Álvarez pilots Yes
    González chaplain Yes
    Crew of 110 No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet departed in February Yes Yes
    Fleet departed 8 February from Havana Yes
    Fleet departed from Santiago Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet coasted to Cape San Antón Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet put out to Yucatán Channel 20 February Yes
    Expedition aimed to discover new lands No No Yes No Yes ? No Yes
    Expedition aimed to capture Amerindian slaves Yes No No No No ? ? No
    Expedition aimed to both discover and enslave No Yes No Yes No No ? No
    Fleet's sailing direction given Yes Yes Yes
    Expedition's aim changed during journey Yes Yes
    Fleet's sailing style was exploratory Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Storm steered fleet off course Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet arrived at Yucatán Peninsula Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Peninsula–Cuba distance given Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Days spent crossing Channel given Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet arrived at Punta de Yucatán Yes
    Fleet arrived at Eccampi Yes
    Fleet arrived at Provincia de Yucatán Yes Yes
    Fleet arrived at Punta de las Mujeres Yes Yes
    Fleet arrived at Cape Catoche or Great Cairo Yes
    Fleet arrived at Cozumel Yes
    Fleet arrived at Campeche Yes
    Crew saw whitewashed masonry houses Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew saw clothed residents Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew saw lots of gold Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Captain named land Yucatán Yes No Yes Yes Yes
    Captain named cape Catoche Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew abducted Catoche locals Yes Yes Yes
    Battle occurred at Cape Catoche Yes
    Fleet sailed from Punta de Yucatán to Campeche Yes
    Fleet sailed from Provincia de Yucatán to Campeche Yes Yes
    Fleet sailed from Cape Catoche to Campeche Yes
    Fleet sailed from Eccampi and Cairo to Campeche Yes
    Fleet sailed from Punta Mueres, Cape Catoche, and Yucatán to Campeche Yes Yes
    Fleet sailed from Cozumel, an unnamed town, and Cape Catoche to Campeche Yes
    Fleet sailed from Cozumel, sans disembarking, to Campeche Yes
    Fleet sailed from straight to Campeche Yes
    Fleet arrived in Campeche Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Distance to Campeche given Yes Yes
    Fleet arrived in Campeche on domingo de Lázaroordía de san Lázaro Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Captain named Campeche Lázaro No Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes
    Captain named mayor Lázaro Yes No No No Yes No No No
    Number of crew who disembarked in Campeche given Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew well received in Campeche No Yes Maybe Yes Yes Yes ? Yes
    Cannons fired in Campeche No No Yes Yes No Yes
    Crew abducted Campeche locals Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No
    Banquet held in Campeche Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew visited Campeche temple Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew saw signs of human sacrifice in Campeche Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew saw 'Christian' crosses in Campeche Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet arrived in Champotón Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Distance to Champotón given Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Champotón mayor named Yes Yes Yes Yes ?
    Crew ill-received at Champotón No No Maybe Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Crew slept ashore Yes Yes Yes
    Champotón locals kept watch over crew Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Champotón locals sought to distance the landed crew from their ships Yes Yes Yes
    Crew noticed locals' night watch Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Locals launched surprise assault Yes Yes No No Yes Yes ? Yes
    Number of local attackers given Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Number of local casualties given Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Number of Spanish fatal casualties given Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Number of Spanish non-fatal casualties given Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Two crew men were captured in battle Yes Yes
    Captain was injured in battle Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet fled from Champotón Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet returned to Cuba Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Fleet stopped at Estero de los Lagartos Yes
    Fleet returned to Cuba via Florida Yes Yes
    Velázquez was debriefed Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

    See also[edit]

    Notes and references[edit]

    Explanatory footnotes[edit]

    1. ^ Called Córdoba expeditioninClendinnen 2003, pp. 5, 14, 17, 19. For infobox –
      1. strength in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 11–12, 86;
  • aim in Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 180, Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 12, 183–185, Clendinnen 2003, p. 4;
  • date in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 42, 94–95;
  • start in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 93, 95;
  • end in Tola de Habich 2018, p. 42;
  • casualties in Iturriaga 2023, p. 245, Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 41–42, 121, 201–204;
  • achievements in Victoria Ojeda 2019, pp. 175–176, Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 17, 29–33, Clendinnen 2003, pp. 3–4;
  • ships in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 40, 90, Clendinnen 2003, p. 5;
  • sponsors in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 60, 181–182;
  • leaders in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 95, 105, 115;
  • strength in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 117–118, 123–124, 167;
  • casualties in Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 39–40, 101–102, 124, 167–168.
  • ^ This story is similar to one told of the naming of Cape Catoche. According to Castillo, local fishermen from the cape approached the fleet with cries of cones cotoche, meaning 'come here [to our hometown],' wherefore the Spanish named the cape Cotoche, now corrupted to Catoche (Victoria Ojeda 2019, pp. 182, 184).
  • ^ Castillo reports Julián and Melchor were rather prisoners-of-war, pressed during battle at Catoche, though Tola de Habiche argues against the occurrence of such engagement (Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 100–101). The fishermen would have been baptised and given Christian names, that is, Melchor (also Melchorejo) and Julián (also Julianillo) (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 101). Intelligence regarding the name Yucatán, existence of gold mines, and residence of Spanish men in Maya provinces is attributed to them (the latter presumably regarding those stranded in 1511, including Gonzalo Guerrero and Jerónimo de Aguilar; Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 39–40, 101). Julián was further forced to serve in the Grijalva expedition, and Melchor in the Cortés one (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 101). Details of their later lives are confused, though neither is thought to have afforded the Spanish praiseworthy service (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 101).
  • ^ Tola de Habich deems it quite unlikely that all soldiers disembarked (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 108).
  • ^ The menu notably included the guajolote mexicano, still a Christmas staple in Mexico (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 108).
  • ^ Tola de Habich follows the historian Juan Francisco Molina Solís in mistakenly calling this town Potonchán, but correctly identifies it as a port on Río Champotón, and the capital of the maritime province of Aguanil, governed by the batab Moch Couoh, which is just, in fact, Champotón (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 115). Victoria Ojeda correctly identifies the same settlement, but likewise misnames it Potonchán, further noting the town is 'sometimes recorded as Champotón' (Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 182). Champotón's pre-Columbian name is thought to have been Chakan Putún (Iturriaga 2023, p. 254).
  • ^ Tola de Habich deems the attack and Spaniards' defeath 'surprising and incomprehensible' (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 122). Regarding the loclas' attack, they dismiss the locals' having prior intelligence of Spanish cruelty as causus belli, favouring rather their need to safeguard drinking water, though still finding this unsatisfactory (Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 122–125). Regarding Spanish defeat, they suggest as contributing factors poor preparedness, lack of crossbows and shotguns, shortage of swords, and lack of armour or even clothing (Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 126–128). They venture 'a similar number [to 57] or much greater' of locals killed in combat (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 124).
  • ^ Further details questioned include the number of expeditionary funders and organisers, and the Champotón battle casualties (Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 181–182, 201–204).
  • ^ Per Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 173–177, unless otherwise indicated.
  • ^ For instance, in Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 181 and Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 86, 144.
  • ^ Per Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 139–172. Here, letter refers to a letter dated Veracruz, Mexico, 10 July 1519, written by Cortés's soldiers, 'some of whom, no doubt, participated in the voyage of Hernández de Córdoba' (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 23). Casas, Oviedo, Salazar refer to chronicles by Bartolomé de las Casas, Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, respectively, all of whom spent time in the New World (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 23). Gómara, Martyr, Sepúlveda refer to chronicles by Francisco López de Gómara, Peter Martyr, Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, respectively, none of whom spent time in the New World, but all of whom are thought to have (i) received first- or second-hand accounts of the expedition, and (ii) consulted written reports of the expedition (Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 23–24). Castillo refers to the chronicle by Bernal Díaz del Castillo, participant of the expedition (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 24). Note, all but letter and Martyr 'were written many years after' the expedition (Tola de Habich 2018, p. 97).
  • Short citations[edit]

    1. ^ a b Tola de Habich 2018, p. 51.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 51, 54–55, 63–66.
  • ^ a b Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 84–85.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 85–87.
  • ^ a b c Tola de Habich 2018, p. 93.
  • ^ a b c Tola de Habich 2018, p. 94.
  • ^ a b c d Tola de Habich 2018, p. 95.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 95–96.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 96, 99.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 98.
  • ^ a b c Tola de Habich 2018, p. 99.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 99–100.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 184; Tola de Habich 2018, p. 101.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, pp. 184–185; Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 101–102.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 101–102.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 102.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 102–103.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 99, 105.
  • ^ Iturriaga 2023, pp. 245–246; Tola de Habich 2018, p. 105.
  • ^ a b c d Tola de Habich 2018, p. 106.
  • ^ a b Tola de Habich 2018, p. 107.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 108.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 108–110.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 109–110.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 110.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 113.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 115.
  • ^ a b Iturriaga 2023, pp. 244–245.
  • ^ a b Tola de Habich 2018, p. 116.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 116–117.
  • ^ a b c Tola de Habich 2018, p. 117.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 119.
  • ^ a b Tola de Habich 2018, p. 120.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 120–121.
  • ^ a b c Tola de Habich 2018, p. 121.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 131.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 132–133.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 134.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 42, 134.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 183; Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 41–42, 137.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 43.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 43; Clendinnen 2003, p. 16.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 134, 136–137.
  • ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 19.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 11.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 179; Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 12, 23–24; Clendinnen 2003, p. 212.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 176; Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 11, 189.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 11–12, 189–195.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 176; Saville 1918, pp. 442–443.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 180; Tola de Habich 2018, p. 12.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 12, 183–185.
  • ^ a b c Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 180.
  • ^ Iturriaga 2023, p. 243.
  • ^ a b Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 177.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 29, 31–33, 35–40.
  • ^ a b c Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 179.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, pp. 30, 35–40; Clendinnen 2003, pp. 3–4.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 47.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 184.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 176.
  • ^ Victoria Ojeda 2019, p. 181; Tola de Habich 2018, p. 85.
  • ^ Tola de Habich 2018, p. 26.
  • Full citations[edit]

    1. Chamberlain RS (1948). The Conquest and Colonization of Yucatan, 1517-1550. Publication. Vol. 582. Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington. hdl:2027/mdp.39015014584406. LCCN 48010986.
  • Clendinnen I (2003) [First published 1987 by Cambridge University Press]. Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517-1570. Cambridge Latin American Studies. Vol. 61 (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-82031-6. LCCN 2002191144.
  • Eatough G (1999). "Peter Martyr's Account of the First Contacts with Mexico". Viator. 30: 397–421. doi:10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300843.
  • Gómez Martín JA (June 2013). "El descubrimiento del Yucatán". Revista de estudios colombinos. 9: 53–60. ISSN 1699-3926. Dialnet 4502253.
  • Iturriaga JN (January–June 2023). "¿Champotón o Potonchán? Del error geográfico al error histórico". Estudios de historia moderna y contemporánea de México. 65: 243–263. doi:10.22201/iih.24485004e.2023.65.77818. S2CID 254756963.
  • León Cázares MC, Conover Blancas C, eds. (2020). Encuentros y desencuentros en las costas del Yucatán (1517). Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios Mayas. Vol. 43. Ciudad de México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. ISBN 978-607-30-3182-0. LCCN 2021398905. GB TNixEAAAQBAJ. Perlego 3854520.
  • Ortiz Lanz JE (2018). Las verdaderas historias del descubrimiento de la Nueva España: Las expediciones de Hernández de Córdova y Grijalva, 1517–1518. Ciudad de México: Cámara de Diputados, LXIII Legislatura; Pámpano Servicios Editoriales. BNM 000707478.
  • Saville MH (November 1918). "The Discovery of Yucatan in 1517 by Francisco Hernández de Córdoba". Geographical Review. 6 (5): 436–448. doi:10.2307/207701. JSTOR 207701.
  • Tola de Habich F (2018). Yucatán 1517: El segundo descubrimiento de América (Hernández de Córdoba). Viajeros; Colección sextante. Vol. 6. Mérida, Yucatán: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. ISBN 978-607-30-1074-0. LCCN 2019447521.
  • Victoria Ojeda J (2019). "El arribo de los españoles a la Peninsula de Yucatán y el inicio del cambio en el paisaje biocultural de la región, siglo XVI". Boletín americanista. 78: 175–195. ISSN 0520-4100. UB 22237.
  • Wagner HR, ed. (1942). The Discovery of Yucatan by Francisco Hernández de Córdoba: A Translation of the Original Texts with an Introduction and Notes. Documents and Narratives Concerning the Discovery and Conquest of Latin America; New Series. Vol. 1. Berkeley, Cailfornia: Cortés Society. LCCN 42016589. OCLC 16731061.

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