Oleksandr Oleksandrovich Merezhko (Ukrainian: Олександр Олександрович Мережко; born 14 February 1971) is a Ukrainian jurist, doctor of legal sciences, professor, honored lawyer of Ukraine.
Chair of the Committee on Foreign Policy and interparliamentary relations of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
Vice-president of PACE from 27 January 2020 to 23 January 2022. Member of the Permanent Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.[1]
In 1996 he completed postgraduate studies at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, defended his candidate's thesis in international law on the topic "The concept of humanitarian intervention and the mechanism of human rights protection within the framework of the UN" (decision of the Specialized Academic Council of the Koretsky Institute of State and Law of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine dated 15 November 1996., protocol No. 13). In December 2002 he defended his doctoral dissertation on international law on the topic "Theory and Principles of Transnational Trade Law (Lex Mercatoria)" at the Taras Shevchenko Institute of International Relations of Kyiv National University (decision of the Presidium of the Higher Attestation Commission of Ukraine dated 21 May 2003, protocol No. 36-11/5). He completed numerous scientific internships abroad. In 2001 the Institute named after Harriman of Columbia University (US); in 2004–2005 – at the Kennan Institute of the Woodrow Wilson Center (US), in 2010–2011 – at one of the research institutes in Washington (US).
1997 – teacher of the course "Humanitarian Intervention and International Law" – University of Denver (US);
1997–1998 – associate professor, Deputy Head of the Foreign Policy Department of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine;
1998–2000 – assistant, associate professor at the Institute of International Relations at Taras Shevchenko Kyiv National University;
2001–2005 – associate professor, professor at the Institute of International Relations at Kyiv National University;
2005–2011 – professor, head of the international law department of the University of Economics and Law "KROK" (Kyiv);
2005–2011 – professor, head of the International Law Department of the Catholic University of Lublin named after John Paul II (Stalów Wła), member of the Academic Council of the Institute of Law of the same university (Poland);
2011–2018 – professor at Andrzej Frych Modzewski Academy (Poland);
2012 (March – May) – visiting professor at the Kazakhstan-British Technical University and the University of International Business;
2017–2018 – professor at the State Fiscal Service University of Ukraine;
2017–2018 – professor at the Global University named after Jindal (India).
In 2002, he received the title of "Associate Professor of the Department of International, Private and Customs Law".[8] In 2009, he received the title of professor. Author of about 15 monographs and textbooks on international law, about 150 scientific articles (including monographs and textbooks: "Force Protection of Human Rights" (1998), "Law of International Treaties" (2002), "History of International Law scientist", "Science of international private law: history and modernity" (2004, 2006); "Science of international law politics: origins and perspectives" (2009), "Problems of the theory of international public and private law" (2010). Awarded numerous awards and scientific awards.
2000 – received the university prize named after Shevchenko[9] for the monograph "Force protection of human rights: the issue of legitimacy in modern international law" (1998, reprint – 1999). In 2003, he received a special award from the Union of Lawyers of Ukraine in the category of legal individual monographic publications for the monograph "Introduction to the Philosophy of International Law. Epistemology of international law".
He speaks English, Polish, French and Russian. He was the deputy chairman of the Society of the program named after Fulbright.
Member of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Committee on Legal Policy[10] until 17 January 2020. Chairman of the Subcommittee on Civil and Administrative Legislation.
Member of the temporary investigative commission of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on the investigation of possible illegal actions of representatives of state authorities and other persons that could contribute to the violation of state sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukraine and pose a threat to the national security of Ukraine (from 19 May 2021).[11]
In January 2023, he took part at elections for the position of the PACE President.[12]
Candidate for People's Deputies from the Servant of the People party in the 2019 parliamentary elections, No. 85 on the list.[13][14]
Member of the VRU Committee on Legal Policy, since 17 January 2020 – Chairman of the VRU Committee on Foreign Policy, replacing Bohdan Yaremenko in this position.[15]
He specializes in issues of philosophy and theory of international law, civil law, and international private law. The philosophical and legal concept of Professor Merezhko is that law is a complex dynamic process of interaction of five components ("five worlds of law"):
1. law as a legal text (semiotic aspect of law);
2. law as a legal emotion (psychological aspect of law);
3. law as a social relationship (sociological aspect of law);
4. law as outwardly expressed behavior (behavioral aspect of law);
5. rights as a desire to achieve certain transcendent ideals and values (metaphysics of law).
The interaction of these five dimensions, in which law exists and develops, and form the phenomenon of law as a whole.
Develops the concept of "intercivilizational law", under which he proposes to understand a set of principles and norms (legal, political and moral) aimed at regulating relations between different civilizations. He also formulated the concept of "legal meme", which means a unit of transmission of legally significant information.
Researches the political and legal system and history of the Russian Federation from the point of view of the sociology of law. Based on the publications of Mykola Timashev, he writes that under the facade of "managed democracy" hides a regime of despotic power in a softened form, characteristic of the history of the Russian state.[16] In the article "Russia as a fascist society" he proves that today Russia corresponds to the scientific and sociological criteria of a fascist society.[17]
In the book "Russian Science of International Law during the First World War" (Kyiv, 2014) he analyzed international law during the war and criticized the modern Russian doctrine of international law, which after the beginning of the temporary annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation turned into propaganda of the Putin regime.
Views on Russia's aggression against other countries[edit]
He is the author of numerous articles on the topic of Russian aggression against Ukraine, researches it from the point of view of international law. Justifies the right of the Crimean Tatar people to self-determination as an indigenous people within Ukraine. Conducts a critical analysis of the arguments of Russian international lawyers and shows the criminal nature of the annexation of Crimea by Russia. In 2008, in one of his journalistic articles, he interpreted the Russo-Georgian war as Georgian aggression by Saakashvili's "imperial" regime against South Ossetia, which met the main criteria of statehood, and the Ossetian people themselves had the right, in Merezhko's opinion, to secession. In the same article, he expressed the opinion that Ukraine should recognize the legitimacy of the secession of both Kosovo and South Ossetia and Abkhazia by analogy with the international recognition of Kosovo by most EU countries, as well as the US, Canada and Australia.[18] In 2020, in a conversation with RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty, Merezhko stated that Russia, invading the territory of Georgia in 2008 under the guise of peacekeeping, actually carried out an armed aggression against Georgia with the occupation of part of its sovereign territory.[19]
Justified the thesis that Russia, taking the place of the USSR in the UN Security Council, thereby clearly violated the UN Charter, since it cannot be considered the same state and the same subject of international law as the USSR; and therefore, from the point of view of international law, Russia cannot be considered a member of the UN.[20]
Participation in international scientific conferences on the Crimea annexation[edit]
In June 2014, he gave a speech "Ideology of Liberalism and International Law" at a scientific conference at the university of Tartu (Estonia), in which he criticized Russia's annexation of Crimea from the point of view of international law.
In September 2014, he gave a speech "The Collapse of the USSR and Territorial Consequences" at the Institute named after Plank in Heidelberg (Germany), in which he showed the illegality of Russia's annexation of Crimea.[21][22][23]
In December 2014, he spoke at the university of Helsinki (Finland) at the "Ukrainian Crisis" seminar with a report in which he presented international legal arguments against Russia's invasion of Donbas.
In March 2015, in Warsaw, at the conference "The Case of Crimea in the Light of International Law", he raised the question of the forms and mechanisms of Russia's international legal responsibility for aggression against Ukraine.[24][25]
In the article "Who is responsible for the Holodomor in Ukraine" (18 January 2007) states that modern Ukraine, according to international law, as the legal successor of the Ukrainian SSR, on whose territory and with the complicity of the authorities, the genocide was created Ukrainians, must be responsible for the victims of the Holodomor and their descendants, and this responsibility must be expressed in fair and adequate moral and material compensation, including a reduction in utility bills. As an example, he cites the US with its compensations to indigenous peoples – Indians.[26]
In the article "The dream of the mind: Ukrainian nationalism as an ideology" (17 April 2007) notes that "a supporter of Ukrainian nationalism perceives language not simply as a means of communication, but as a special metaphysical entity that stands over man and demands worship. In this form, the Ukrainian language as the state language becomes an instrument of repression against those who speak and think with the help of Russian or another language, which inevitably undermines the stability of Ukrainian society and leads to mutual embitterment».[27]
In the article "Marxofobiya" ("Marxofobiya", edition of "Levaya Politika. Levyye in Russia", 2007) claims that the most ardent domestic Marxophobes are precisely those who in the recent past were activists of the CPSU or teachers of Marxism–Leninism, and therefore, Marxophobia is "a repressed fear that someone might remind these people of their "totalitarian past", which transforms into irrational aggression towards everything associated with the name of Marx." Therefore, according to the author, this phenomenon has a purely emotional nature and is a sign of an authoritarian personality and intellectual self-castration.[28]
He is a supporter of anthropocentrism and the ideals of humanism.
Advocates women's rights against violence. He created and headed in the Verkhovna Rada the Inter-factional association "For the ratification of the Istanbul Convention!", which conducted an active campaign to support the ratification of this convention.[29]
In the late 1990s, he was influenced by the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, in particular, such social philosophers as Erich Fromm; however, later, under the influence of Petrazhytskyi's philosophy, he switched to the position of liberal democracy. He is a consistent supporter of complete freedom of speech and thought.
Ukraine found itself in a new version of the Russian Empire – the USSR, where it became a victim of what some consider genocide – the Holodomor. Rafal Lemkin, the author of the term "genocide", called the Holodomor an example of Soviet genocide:『This is not just a mass murder. This is genocide, the destruction of culture and people. Soviet national unity is created not through the unity of ideas and cultures, but through the complete destruction of all cultures and all ideas except one – the Soviet one.』Russian military aggression against Ukraine is nothing more than a continuation of the traditional Russian imperialist policy aimed at destroying the independent Ukrainian state and enslaving the Ukrainian people.
In an interview with RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty, he called the US a partner and friend of Ukraine.[30]
In 2020, he spoke before the Petition Committee of the German Bundestag, presenting arguments in favor of recognizing the Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people.[31]
He is one of the authors and initiators of the appeal of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine to the Bundestag regarding recognition of the Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people.[32]
He held hundreds of meetings with colleagues from the foreign affairs committees of the world parliaments, during which he emphasized the need to recognize the Holodomor as a genocide of the Ukrainian people, and also called on his colleagues to unite for Ukraine's victory over the Russian Federation and bring it to justice for all crimes committed.
He became one of the initiators of the recognition of Russia's crimes as genocide of the Ukrainian people, as well as the adoption by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of an appeal to the parliaments and countries of the world regarding the recognition of Russia's crimes as genocide of the Ukrainian people.[33]
The honorary title of Honored Lawyer of Ukraine (23 August 2021) – for a significant personal contribution to state building, strengthening defense capabilities, socio-economic, scientific-technical, cultural and educational development of the Ukrainian state, significant labor achievements, many years of conscientious work and on the occasion of the 30 anniversary of the independence of Ukraine.[34]
