The Pyrgi Tablets (dated c. 500 BC) are three golden plates inscribed with a bilingual Phoenician–Etruscan dedicatory text. They are the oldest historical source documents from pre-Roman Italy and are rare examples of texts in these languages. They were discovered in 1964 during a series of excavations at the site of ancient Pyrgi, on the Tyrrhenian coastofItalyinLatium (Lazio). The text records the foundation of a temple and its dedication to the Phoenician goddess Astarte, who is identified with the Etruscan supreme goddess Uni in the Etruscan text. The temple's construction is attributed to Thefarie Velianas, ruler of the nearby city of Caere.[1]
Pallottino has claimed that the existence of this bilingual suggests an attempt by Carthage to support or impose a ruler (Tiberius Velianas) over Caere at a time when Etruscan sea power was waning and to be sure that this region, with strong cultural ties to Greek settlements to the south, stayed in the Etrusco-Carthaginian confederacy.[4] The exact nature of the rule of Tiberius Velianas has been the subject of much discussion. The Phoenician root MLK refers to sole power, often associated with a king. But the Etruscan text does not use the Etruscan word for 'king', lauχum, instead presenting the term for 'magistrate', zilac (perhaps modified by a word that may mean 'great'). This suggests that Tiberius Velianas may have been a tyrant of the kind found in some Greek cities of the time. Building a temple, claiming to have been addressed by a god, and creating or strengthening his connections with foreign powers may all have been ways that he sought to solidify and legitimate his own power.[5]
Another area that the Pyrgi Tablets seem to throw light on is that Carthage was indeed involved in central Italy at this point in history. Such involvement was suggested by mentions by Polybius of a treaty between Rome and Carthage at about the same time period (circa 500 BC), and by Herodotus's accounts of Carthaginian involvement in the Battle of Alalia. But these isolated accounts did not have any contemporaneous texts from the area to support them until these tablets were unearthed and interpreted.[6] Schmidtz originally claimed that the language pointed more toward an eastern Mediterranean form of Phoenician rather than to Punic/Carthaginian. But he has more recently reversed this view, and he even sees the possibility that the Carthaginians are directly referred to in the text.[7]
The text is also important for our understanding of religion in central Italy around the year 500 BC. Specifically, it suggests that the commemoration of the death of Adonis was an important rite in Central Italy at least at this time (around 500 BC), that is if, as is generally assumed, the Phoenician phrase bym qbr ʼlm "on the day of the burial of the divinity" refers to this rite. This claim would be further strengthened if Schmidtz's recent claim can be accepted that the Phoenician phrase bmt n' bbt means "at the death of (the) Handsome (one) [=Adonis]."[8] Together with evidence of the rite of Adonai in the Liber Linteus in the 7th column, there is a strong likelihood that the ritual was practiced in (at least) the southern part of Etruria from at least circa 500 BC through the second century BC (depending on one's dating of the Liber Linteus). Adonis himself does not seem to be directly mentioned in any of the extant language of either text.[9]
Wikisource has the original text with transliteration:
And he built a chamber (or-bn TW = "Tiberius Velianas built (it)"),[11] because Astarte requested (this) from him, year three "3" of his reign, in the month of Krr, on the day of the burial of the divinity.
wšnt lmʼš ʼlm bbty šnt km h kkb m ʼl.
And (may) the years of the statue of the deity in her temple (be) years like (or "as numerous as") the stars.[12][13][14]
The Phoenician text has long been known to be in a Semitic, more specifically a Canaanite language (specifically North Canaanite; South Canaanite dialects include Hebrew, Moabite, and Edomite); hence there was no need for it to be "deciphered". And while most of the inscription can certainly reliably be read, certain passages are philologically uncertain on account of perceived complications of syntax and the vocabulary employed in the inscription, and as such they have become the source of debate among both Semiticists and classicists.[15]
For example, other translations of the final line, besides that cited above, include: "And I made a duplicate of the statue of the goddess <Astarte> in her temple as do the Kakkabites [?Carthaginians]"; and "As for the red robe of the statues of the goddess <Astarte> in her temple, her/its red robe is like a those of the gods of the Kakkabites [Carthaginians]" (both of these from Krahmalkov's Phoenician-Punic Dictionary).[16] Further, In Schmidtz's 2016 treatment of the text, he reinterprets the string bmtnʼ bbt (translated above and commonly as "as an offering in the temple") as bmt n' bbt to mean "at the death of (the) Handsome (one) [=Adonis]."[17]
Much of the well known vocabulary (from the glossary by A. Bloch, 1890, unless otherwise indicated) of the text is, of course, religious, including rb-t "Lady," ʻštrt the goddess "Astarte," qdš "holy," ʼlm "divinity," bt "temple, house," zbḥ "sacrifice," qbr "burial"; or they involve the calendar or elements of the natural world: ym "day," yrḥ "month," šnt "year (s)," šmš "sun" (in this context, also a deity), kbb "stars." Common verbs include šmš "made," ytn "placed," bn "built," mlk "rule, reign."[18] Most of the items below not covered in this list are grammatical elements, uncited claims, or reflect earlier scholarship that has now been superseded by newer studies.
Nouns in the text include: bt' , "house, temple" [Semitic *bayt- ], kkb , star [Semitic *kabkab- ] [hakkawkabīm/hakkawkabūm = the-stars], ʼlm , divinity [Semitic *ʼil- "god"], ʼšr , place, ʻštrt , Astarte [Semitic *ʻaṯtar- ], krr , Churvar [calendar month] [cf. Etruscan Χurvar], kyšryʼ , Caerites [a people], lmʼš , statue (But analyzed by some as the preposition lm "during" plus the relative pronoun ʼš "which"), mtnʼ', gift [Semitic *ntn 'to give'], qbr, burial, rbt, lady [cf. Akkadian rābu "grand, large"] [rabbu, female: rabbatu ], šmš, sun [Semitic *šamš-[19]], šnt, year [šanot "years" – from: šanāt]
, tw, aedicula [taw], yd, hand ym, day [Semitic *yawm-], yrḥ, month [Semitic *warḥu-] [Canaanite: yarhu], zbḥ, sacrifice
Verbs: mlk, to rule, to reign [Semitic *mlk], ʼrš, to raise, bn, to build [ bny ] [wayyiben = [and] he built], bn, to build [ bny ] [wayyiben = [and] he built], mlk, to rule, to reign [Semitic *mlk], pʻl, to make, to do [Semitic *pʻl], ::ytn, to give [Semitic *[y]-ntn] [ya-ntin[u]] he-gives / Hebrew: yittēn
Other: ʼš, which, who, that [rel.pron], ʼz, this [ ha-dha? ], ʻl, over, above [Semitic *ʻal-], b-, in, at, with, on [Semitic *bi-], bn, to build [ bny ] [wayyiben = [and] he built], k-, for, since [Semitic *ki-], km, like, as [ka-ma], l-, to, for [Semitic *la-],[20]qdš, holy, šlš, three [Semitic *ṯalāṯ-], w-, and [Semitic *wa-]
This partial English translation is generally speculative, following van der Meer, except where noted.[21] Line breaks are indicated with / with line numbers in superscript immediately following. Note that Schmitz has pointed out that "Etruscologists...dispute nearly every word in the Etruscan texts."[22] Other proposed translations are presented in a 2022 article by M. Ivanković.[23]
The yearly (avil-χva-l literally "of the years") offerings for the temple were (amu-ce) (to be like the) eternal (snuiaφ?) stars.
Notes: Wylin translates šelace vacal tmial (4–5) as "has ratified the offering of the temple."[27] However, Steinbauer (agreeing with Rix) has challenged this assumption and, considering that it seems to be positioned at the beginning of a series of phrases within the contexts of a step-by-step instruction in the Liber Linteus, proposed that vacal (with its variants vacil and vacl) simply means "then." The second to last word, pulum-χva, is clearly a plural, so would match the (putative) plural 'star-s' of the Phoenician text in this location. It also occurs in one of the supplementary texts below, as well as in the inscription in the Golini Tomb, but in the latter context, this meaning does not seem to fit.[28]
A minimalist 'translation' drawing only on well established meanings of Etruscan words, and not depending on the Phoenician text (which is often itself uncertain, see above, and is, in any case, not a word for word translation) has been presented by Adiego:
This tmia- and the herama, which were ...-ed from the part of Uni, Thefarie Velianas, ...ing the meχ θuta, gave to her, the cluvenia- (or: to his cluvenia-), to/of the muni θuva, that from the chamber (?) in the day- ilacv tuleras-, when three years χurvar. In the day-ilacv the tešiam (a)- alsaš-, when of the zilaχ-magistracy atrane, that sele acnavers, and this (?)/thus...-ed the year eniaca the pulum-s.
When Thefarie Veliiunas θamu-...-ed a cleva-offering etenal masan the month uniassela- ...-ed vacal the pulum-s of the years of the tmia- were sniuaφ.[29]
Much of the more certainly defined vocabulary (from the glossary in Pallottino, 1975, unless otherwise indicated) of the text is again, of course, religious, including references to the god uni "Juno,"[30] nouns like tmia "temple," vacal "offering, libation (?)," and ilucve "festival"; or they involve the calendar or elements of the natural world: tiur "month, moon," avil "year (s)," pulum-χva "stars" (?). Other well attested words in the text include the number "three" ci, and some common verbs such as turu- "give" and am- "be," and the well known term for "magistrate" zilac-. Most of the rest of the words are contested or uncertain.[31]
Notes: Words also occurring in the gold Pyrgi Tablets are in bold: pulun/m "star (s)?; vaci/al "sacrifice/libation" , or "then"; nac "when."
Words and sequences recurring within the text include: lan (u)mite ?; a emei ca . z/suu/ina ? (ca "this"); mul-v- "to offer"; nun ena "offering" (nun?) "some" (ena?); mlaka/cia "beautiful"; te-i (demonstrative pronoun); am-e/-a "be"; ac-ni/-asa ("to do, offer"); talte (< talitha "girl"??); icec-in, icana- ? (< ic "as"??).[37]
^Doak, Brian R. (2019). The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. p. 230. ISBN978-0-19-049934-1.
^The specific dialect has been called "Mediterranean Phoenician" by Schmitz, Philip C. (1995). "The Phoenician Text from the Etruscan Sanctuary at Pyrgi". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 115 (4). JSTOR: 559–575. doi:10.2307/604727. ISSN0003-0279. JSTOR604727. Full bibliography of Pyrgi and the tablets
^Pallottino, M. The Etruscans. Trans. J. Cremona. Indiana UP, Bloomington and London. 1975. p. 90
^Smith, C. "The Pyrgi Tablets and the View From Rome" in Le Lamine di Pyrgi eds V. Bellelli and P. Xella, Verona, 2016. pp. 203–221
^Smith, C. "The Pyrgi Tablets and the View from Rome" in Le Lamine di Pyrgi, eds. V. Bellelli and P. Xella, Verona, 2016. pp. 203–221
^Schmidtz, Philip Ch. " Sempre Pyrgi: A retraction and a Reassessment of the Phoenician Text" in Le lamine di Pyrgi: Nuovi studi sulle iscizione in etrusco e in fenicio nel cinquantenario della scoperta eds. Vincenzo Bellelli and Paolo Xella. Verona, 2016. pp. 33–43
^Schmidtz, Philip Ch. " Sempre Pyrgi: A retraction and a Reassessment of the Phoenician Text" in Le lamine di Pyrgi: Nuovi studi sulle iscizione in etrusco e in fenicio nel cinquantenario della scoperta eds. Vincenzo Bellelli and Paolo Xella. Verona, 2016. pp. 33–43
^Liber Linteus Zagrabiensis. The Linen Book of Zagreb: A Comment on the Longest Etruscan Text. By L.B. VAN DER MEER. (Monographs on Antiquity.) Louvain: Peeters, 2007
^Zamora, José Á. "Pyrgi Revisited: An Analysis of the Structure and Formulae of the Phoenician Text of Pyrgi" in
Le lamine di Pyrgi: Nuovi studi sulle iscrizioni in etrusco e in fenicio nel cinquantenario della scoperta. Editors: Vincenzo Bellelli e Paolo Xella. 2015–2016. pp. 69–79 SEL STUDI EPIGRAFICI E LINGUISTICI sul Vicino Oriente antico NUOVA SERIE: Ricerche storiche e filologiche sulle culture del Vicino Oriente e del Mediterraneo antico
^Zamora, José Á. "Pyrgi Revisited: An Analysis of the Structure and Formulae of the Phoenician Text of Pyrgi" in
Le lamine di Pyrgi: Nuovi studi sulle iscrizioni in etrusco e in fenicio nel cinquantenario della scoperta. Editors: Vincenzo Bellelli e Paolo Xella. 2015–2016. p. 77. SEL STUDI EPIGRAFICI E LINGUISTICI sul Vicino Oriente antico NUOVA SERIE: Ricerche storiche e filologiche sulle culture del Vicino Oriente e del Mediterraneo antico
^Transcription from Hildegard Temporini, Joseph Vogt, Wolfgang Haase. 1972. Aufsteig und Niedergang der Römischen Welt, vol. 2, part 25. P.201. Also, along with the original Phoenician letters, in Haarmann, Harald. 1996. Early Civilization and Literacy in Europe: An Inquiry into Cultural Continuity in the Mediterranean World. P.355
^Schmitz, P. 1995 "The Phoenician Text from the Etruscan Sanctuary at Pyrgi." Journal of the American Oriental Society 15:562.
^Lopez, Jose Angel Zamora. 2016. "Pyrgi Revisited. An Analysis into the Structure and Formulae of Pyrgi's Phoenician Text" pp. 69–79 in Le lamine di Pyrgi
Nuovi studi sulle iscrizioni in etrusco ein fenicio nel cinquantenario della scoperta. Eds: Vincenzo Bellelli and Paolo Xella. SELSTUDI EPIGRAFICI E LINGUISTICI sul Vicino Oriente antico NUOVA SERIE: Ricerche storiche e filologiche sulle culture del Vicino Oriente e del Mediterraneo antico 32–33. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/292989034_Pyrgi_Revisited_An_Analysis_into_the_Structure_and_Formulae_of_Pyrgi's_Phoenician_Text
^Krahmalkov, C. R. Phoenician-Punic Dictionary Leuven, 2000. pp. 230, 475
^Schmidtz, Philip Ch. " Sempre Pyrgi: A retraction and a Reassessment of the Phoenician Text" in Le lamine di Pyrgi: Nuovi studi sulle iscizione in etrusco e in fenicio nel cinquantenario della scoperta eds. Vincenzo Bellelli and Paolo Xella. Verona, 2016. pp. 33–43
^The Patterning of Root Morphemes in Semitic. 1990. In: On language: selected writings of Joseph H. Greenberg. Ed. Keith M. Denning and Suzanne Kemmer. P.379
^Philip C. Schmitz. "The Phoenician Text from the Etruscan Sanctuary at Pyrgi."
Journal of the American Oriental Society , Oct. - Dec., 1995, Vol. 115, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1995), pp. 559-575, p. 569. Published by: American Oriental Society. https://www.jstor.org/stable/604727
^Liber Linteus Zagrabiensis. The Linen Book of Zagreb: A Comment on the Longest Etruscan Text. By L.B. VAN DER MEER. (Monographs on Antiquity.) Louvain: Peeters, 2007. pp. 171–172
^Schmitz, P. 1995 "The Phoenician Text from the Etruscan Sanctuary at Pyrgi." Journal of the American Oriental Society 15:559–60
^Agostiniani, L.『Sul valore semantico delle formule etrusche 'tamera zelarvenas' e 'tamera šarvenas',』in A. Catagnoti et alia (ed.s), Studi linguistici offerti a Gabriella Giacomelli dagli amici e dagli allievi. Padova, 1997. pp. 1–18
^Steinbauer, D. Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen, St. Katherine, 1999. pp. 86–87
^Adiego, I-X. "The Etruscan Texts of the Pyrgi Golden Tablets: Certainties and Uncertainties." in Le lamine di Pyrgi: Nuovi studi sulle iscizione in etrusco e in fenicio nel cinquantenario della scoperta eds. Vincenzo Bellelli and Paolo Xella. Verona, 2016. p. 155
^Pallottino, Massimo. The Etruscans. 1975. Indiana UP. pp. 214
^Pallottino, Massimo. The Etruscans. 1975. Indiana UP. pp. 225-234
^Liber Linteus Zagrabiensis. The Linen Book of Zagreb: A Comment on the Longest Etruscan Text. By L.B. VAN DER MEER. (Monographs on Antiquity.) Louvain: Peeters, 2007. pp. 171–172
^Belfiore, V. "nuovi spunti di riflessione sulle lamine di Pyrgi in etrusco" in Le Lamine di Pyrgi eds V. Bellelli and P. Xella, Verona, 2016. p. 125
^Smith, C. "The Pyrgi Tablets and the View From Rome" in Le Lamine di Pyrgi eds V. Bellelli and P. Xella, Verona, 2016. p. 206
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