Content that violates any copyrights will be deleted. Encyclopedic content must be verifiable through citations to reliable sources.
You are about to undo an edit. Please check the comparison below to verify that this is what you want to do, then publish the changes below to finish undoing the edit. If you are undoing an edit that is not vandalism, explain the reason in the edit summary. Do not use the default message only. |
| Latest revision | Your text | ||
| Line 47: | Line 47: | ||
==Background== |
==Background== |
||
In the [[Vidovdan Constitution]] of 1921, the [[Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes]] had established 33 administrative districts, each headed by a government-appointed prefect. Both the Vidovdan Constitution in general and the administrative districts in particular were part of the design of [[Nikola Pašić]] and [[Svetozar Pribićević]] to maximize the power of the ethnic Serb population within the new state.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/34 34-35]|quote=The government produced a draft constitution, following intensive consultations between Pasiç and Pribiceviç, which opted for a centralized state with a strong monarchy and a single-chamber parliament, modelled on the Serbian constitution of 1903. Their draft proposed the creation of [33] administrative districts, a balkanizing tactic intended to maximize the electoral power of the Serb vote.|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/34}}</ref> The new constitution was passed in a political climate favorable to the Serbian centralists, as the Croatian regionalists chose to abstain from parliamentary duty, whereas the deputies of the [[Communist Party of Yugoslavia]] were excluded by a parliamentary vote.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Twentieth Century|last=Jelavich|first=Barbara|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1983|isbn=9780521274593|series=History of the Balkans|volume=2|location=Cambridge|pages=[https://archive.org/details/historyofbalkans0000jela/page/150 150]|quote=After the elections the delegates of the Croatian Peasant Party met in Zagreb and decided not to participate in the assembly. As we have seen, the Communist Party was excluded by a vote of the assembly itself. A quarter of the elected representatives thus did not attend. Under these circumstances the Serbian centralists had a clear field, and the constitution, which was completed in June 1921, expressed their interests.|url=https://archive.org/details/historyofbalkans0000jela/page/150}}</ref> An amendment to the electoral law in June of 1922 further stacked the deck in favor of the Serbian population, when electoral constituencies were created based on pre-war census figures, allowing Serbia to ignore its massive military casualties sustained in the [[First World War]].<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/39 39]|quote=Disaffection among the non-Serb nationalities was aggravated by the amended Electoral Law of June 1922, which created electoral constituencies on the basis of pre-war census figures, so that Serbia’s huge population losses during the Great War were ignored.|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/39}}</ref> This only furthered the resentment felt by the proponents of a federate or confederate state towards the government, particularly the Croatian regionalists of the [[Croatian Republican Peasant Party]] (HRSS) around [[Stjepan Radić]]. Radić was shot in parliament by a Serbian delegate in 1928 and died two months later. This provoked the withdrawal of the HRSS from the assembly, forged an anti-Belgrade mindset in Croatia and ultimately led to the collapse of the constitutional system of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/45 45]|quote=The next day, 20 June 1928, amid familiar scenes of disorder, Raciç opened fire in the debating chamber, killing two deputies and wounding three others, among them Radiç, who died two months later, although initially he seemed to make a good recovery; sufficiently so to maintain his hostility to cooperation with the Serbs.|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/45}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=A History of Yugoslavia|last=Calic|first=Marie-Janine|publisher=Purdue University Press|year=2014|isbn=9781557538383|location=West Lafayette|pages=104|quote=On the morning of 20 June 1928, Stjepan Radić appeared at the opening session of parliament. Although public confrontations in the preceding days had escalated to the point of murder threats, this consummate politician threw caution to the wind. One of the first people to speak that morning was Puniša Račić, a member of parliament for the Radical Party from Montenegro. Quite unexpectedly he found himself in a heated debate with the colleagues from the opposition. The president of the parliament was trying valiantly but unsuccessfully to restore order when Račić suddenly pulled out his pistol and shot in the direction of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) faction. Two members of parliament died immediately; two others were wounded. Radić, who had been shot in the stomach, died in August of complications. The assassination marked the tragic culmination of the domestic crisis that had been fatefully escalating since 1927. It turned Radić into a martyr, welded together Croat national politics, and provided the Peasant Party with enormous political capital. However, Yugoslav democracy had shattered, and the king declared a state of emergency.}}</ref> |
In the [[Vidovdan Constitution]] of 1921, the [[Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes]] had established 33 administrative districts, each headed by a government-appointed prefect. Both the Vidovdan Constitution in general and the administrative districts in particular were part of the design of [[Nikola Pašić]] and [[Svetozar Pribićević]] to maximize the power of the ethnic Serb population within the new state.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/34 34-35]|quote=The government produced a draft constitution, following intensive consultations between Pasiç and Pribiceviç, which opted for a centralized state with a strong monarchy and a single-chamber parliament, modelled on the Serbian constitution of 1903. Their draft proposed the creation of [33] administrative districts, a balkanizing tactic intended to maximize the electoral power of the Serb vote.|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/34}}</ref> The new constitution was passed in a political climate favorable to the Serbian centralists, as the Croatian regionalists chose to abstain from parliamentary duty, whereas the deputies of the [[Communist Party of Yugoslavia]] were excluded by a parliamentary vote.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Twentieth Century|last=Jelavich|first=Barbara|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1983|isbn=9780521274593|series=History of the Balkans|volume=2|location=Cambridge|pages=[https://archive.org/details/historyofbalkans0000jela/page/150 150]|quote=After the elections the delegates of the Croatian Peasant Party met in Zagreb and decided not to participate in the assembly. As we have seen, the Communist Party was excluded by a vote of the assembly itself. A quarter of the elected representatives thus did not attend. Under these circumstances the Serbian centralists had a clear field, and the constitution, which was completed in June 1921, expressed their interests.|url=https://archive.org/details/historyofbalkans0000jela/page/150}}</ref> An amendment to the electoral law in June of 1922 further stacked the deck in favor of the Serbian population, when electoral constituencies were created based on pre-war census figures, allowing Serbia to ignore its massive military casualties sustained in the [[First world war|First World War]].<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/39 39]|quote=Disaffection among the non-Serb nationalities was aggravated by the amended Electoral Law of June 1922, which created electoral constituencies on the basis of pre-war census figures, so that Serbia’s huge population losses during the Great War were ignored.|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/39}}</ref> This only furthered the resentment felt by the proponents of a federate or confederate state towards the government, particularly the Croatian regionalists of the [[Croatian Republican Peasant Party]] (HRSS) around [[Stjepan Radić]]. Radić was shot in parliament by a Serbian delegate in 1928 and died two months later. This provoked the withdrawal of the HRSS from the assembly, forged an anti-Belgrade mindset in Croatia and ultimately led to the collapse of the constitutional system of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/45 45]|quote=The next day, 20 June 1928, amid familiar scenes of disorder, Raciç opened fire in the debating chamber, killing two deputies and wounding three others, among them Radiç, who died two months later, although initially he seemed to make a good recovery; sufficiently so to maintain his hostility to cooperation with the Serbs.|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/45}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=A History of Yugoslavia|last=Calic|first=Marie-Janine|publisher=Purdue University Press|year=2014|isbn=9781557538383|location=West Lafayette|pages=104|quote=On the morning of 20 June 1928, Stjepan Radić appeared at the opening session of parliament. Although public confrontations in the preceding days had escalated to the point of murder threats, this consummate politician threw caution to the wind. One of the first people to speak that morning was Puniša Račić, a member of parliament for the Radical Party from Montenegro. Quite unexpectedly he found himself in a heated debate with the colleagues from the opposition. The president of the parliament was trying valiantly but unsuccessfully to restore order when Račić suddenly pulled out his pistol and shot in the direction of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) faction. Two members of parliament died immediately; two others were wounded. Radić, who had been shot in the stomach, died in August of complications. The assassination marked the tragic culmination of the domestic crisis that had been fatefully escalating since 1927. It turned Radić into a martyr, welded together Croat national politics, and provided the Peasant Party with enormous political capital. However, Yugoslav democracy had shattered, and the king declared a state of emergency.}}</ref> |
||
After fruitless efforts to fix the Serb-Croat divide and Croat abstention from government, including a cabinet headed by the nominally neutral Slovene [[Anton Korošec]], [[Alexander I of Yugoslavia|King Alexander I of Yugoslavia]] intervened and, on 6 January 1929, established the [[6 January Dictatorship]]. On 3 October 1929, the country was officially renamed ''Kingdom of Yugoslavia'' in an effort to unite the various ethnicities into a greater national identity. The new state had a new constitution, and in place of the 33 administrative districts of the Vidovdan Constitution, it instead established the banovinas. The banovinas were drawn in a way to avoid the old historical, regionalist or ethnic affiliations, but because the King still had a vested interest in maintaining the Serb dominance from which he drew most of his legitimacy as King, six of the nine Banovinas ended up with Serb majorities.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/53 53]|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/53}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=A History of Yugoslavia|last=Calic|first=Marie-Janine|publisher=Purdue University Press|year=2014|isbn=9781557538383|location=West Lafayette|pages=104}}</ref> Instead of uniting Serbs and Croats into a joint Yugoslav identity, there was widespread Croatian resentment against a perceived Serbian hegemony instead.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953|last=Djilas|first=Alexis|publisher=Harvard University Press|year=1991|isbn=0674166981|location=London|pages=[https://archive.org/details/contestedcountry00djil_0/page/81 81]|quote=Although some supporters of the dictatorship were genuine Yugoslavists, including, as some evidence suggests, the king himself, Croats inevitably considered the dictatorship as thinly disguised "Serbian hegemony." Indeed, the dictatorship was bitterly resented in Croatia. Instead of dissolving traditional Croatian nationalism, the dictatorship strengthened the extremists.|url=https://archive.org/details/contestedcountry00djil_0/page/81}}</ref> |
After fruitless efforts to fix the Serb-Croat divide and Croat abstention from government, including a cabinet headed by the nominally neutral Slovene [[Anton Korošec]], [[Alexander I of Yugoslavia|King Alexander I of Yugoslavia]] intervened and, on 6 January 1929, established the [[6 January Dictatorship]]. On 3 October 1929, the country was officially renamed ''Kingdom of Yugoslavia'' in an effort to unite the various ethnicities into a greater national identity. The new state had a new constitution, and in place of the 33 administrative districts of the Vidovdan Constitution, it instead established the banovinas. The banovinas were drawn in a way to avoid the old historical, regionalist or ethnic affiliations, but because the King still had a vested interest in maintaining the Serb dominance from which he drew most of his legitimacy as King, six of the nine Banovinas ended up with Serb majorities.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|last=Benson|first=Leslie|publisher=palgrave macmillan|year=2001|isbn=0333792416|location=Hampshire|pages=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/53 53]|url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/53}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=A History of Yugoslavia|last=Calic|first=Marie-Janine|publisher=Purdue University Press|year=2014|isbn=9781557538383|location=West Lafayette|pages=104}}</ref> Instead of uniting Serbs and Croats into a joint Yugoslav identity, there was widespread Croatian resentment against a perceived Serbian hegemony instead.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953|last=Djilas|first=Alexis|publisher=Harvard University Press|year=1991|isbn=0674166981|location=London|pages=[https://archive.org/details/contestedcountry00djil_0/page/81 81]|quote=Although some supporters of the dictatorship were genuine Yugoslavists, including, as some evidence suggests, the king himself, Croats inevitably considered the dictatorship as thinly disguised "Serbian hegemony." Indeed, the dictatorship was bitterly resented in Croatia. Instead of dissolving traditional Croatian nationalism, the dictatorship strengthened the extremists.|url=https://archive.org/details/contestedcountry00djil_0/page/81}}</ref> |
||
Copy and paste: – — ° ′ ″ ≈ ≠ ≤ ≥ ± − × ÷ ← → · § Cite your sources: <ref></ref>
{{}} {{{}}} | [] [[]] [[Category:]] #REDIRECT [[]] <s></s> <sup></sup> <sub></sub> <code></code> <pre></pre> <blockquote></blockquote> <ref></ref> <ref name="" /> {{Reflist}} <references /> <includeonly></includeonly> <noinclude></noinclude> {{DEFAULTSORT:}} <nowiki></nowiki> <!-- --> <span class="plainlinks"></span>
Symbols: ~ | ¡ ¿ † ‡ ↔ ↑ ↓ • ¶ # ∞ ‹› «» ¤ ₳ ฿ ₵ ¢ ₡ ₢ $ ₫ ₯ € ₠ ₣ ƒ ₴ ₭ ₤ ℳ ₥ ₦ № ₧ ₰ £ ៛ ₨ ₪ ৳ ₮ ₩ ¥ ♠ ♣ ♥ ♦ 𝄫 ♭ ♮ ♯ 𝄪 © ® ™
Latin: A a Á á À à  â Ä ä Ǎ ǎ Ă ă Ā ā à ã Å å Ą ą Æ æ Ǣ ǣ B b C c Ć ć Ċ ċ Ĉ ĉ Č č Ç ç D d Ď ď Đ đ Ḍ ḍ Ð ð E e É é È è Ė ė Ê ê Ë ë Ě ě Ĕ ĕ Ē ē Ẽ ẽ Ę ę Ẹ ẹ Ɛ ɛ Ǝ ǝ Ə ə F f G g Ġ ġ Ĝ ĝ Ğ ğ Ģ ģ H h Ĥ ĥ Ħ ħ Ḥ ḥ I i İ ı Í í Ì ì Î î Ï ï Ǐ ǐ Ĭ ĭ Ī ī Ĩ ĩ Į į Ị ị J j Ĵ ĵ K k Ķ ķ L l Ĺ ĺ Ŀ ŀ Ľ ľ Ļ ļ Ł ł Ḷ ḷ Ḹ ḹ M m Ṃ ṃ N n Ń ń Ň ň Ñ ñ Ņ ņ Ṇ ṇ Ŋ ŋ O o Ó ó Ò ò Ô ô Ö ö Ǒ ǒ Ŏ ŏ Ō ō Õ õ Ǫ ǫ Ọ ọ Ő ő Ø ø Œ œ Ɔ ɔ P p Q q R r Ŕ ŕ Ř ř Ŗ ŗ Ṛ ṛ Ṝ ṝ S s Ś ś Ŝ ŝ Š š Ş ş Ș ș Ṣ ṣ ß T t Ť ť Ţ ţ Ț ț Ṭ ṭ Þ þ U u Ú ú Ù ù Û û Ü ü Ǔ ǔ Ŭ ŭ Ū ū Ũ ũ Ů ů Ų ų Ụ ụ Ű ű Ǘ ǘ Ǜ ǜ Ǚ ǚ Ǖ ǖ V v W w Ŵ ŵ X x Y y Ý ý Ŷ ŷ Ÿ ÿ Ỹ ỹ Ȳ ȳ Z z Ź ź Ż ż Ž ž ß Ð ð Þ þ Ŋ ŋ Ə ə
Greek: Ά ά Έ έ Ή ή Ί ί Ό ό Ύ ύ Ώ ώ Α α Β β Γ γ Δ δ Ε ε Ζ ζ Η η Θ θ Ι ι Κ κ Λ λ Μ μ Ν ν Ξ ξ Ο ο Π π Ρ ρ Σ σ ς Τ τ Υ υ Φ φ Χ χ Ψ ψ Ω ω {{Polytonic|}}
Cyrillic: А а Б б В в Г г Ґ ґ Ѓ ѓ Д д Ђ ђ Е е Ё ё Є є Ж ж З з Ѕ ѕ И и І і Ї ї Й й Ј ј К к Ќ ќ Л л Љ љ М м Н н Њ њ О о П п Р р С с Т т Ћ ћ У у Ў ў Ф ф Х х Ц ц Ч ч Џ џ Ш ш Щ щ Ъ ъ Ы ы Ь ь Э э Ю ю Я я ́
IPA: t̪ d̪ ʈ ɖ ɟ ɡ ɢ ʡ ʔ ɸ β θ ð ʃ ʒ ɕ ʑ ʂ ʐ ç ʝ ɣ χ ʁ ħ ʕ ʜ ʢ ɦ ɱ ɳ ɲ ŋ ɴ ʋ ɹ ɻ ɰ ʙ ⱱ ʀ ɾ ɽ ɫ ɬ ɮ ɺ ɭ ʎ ʟ ɥ ʍ ɧ ʼ ɓ ɗ ʄ ɠ ʛ ʘ ǀ ǃ ǂ ǁ ɨ ʉ ɯ ɪ ʏ ʊ ø ɘ ɵ ɤ ə ɚ ɛ œ ɜ ɝ ɞ ʌ ɔ æ ɐ ɶ ɑ ɒ ʰ ʱ ʷ ʲ ˠ ˤ ⁿ ˡ ˈ ˌ ː ˑ ̪ {{IPA|}}
Wikidata entities used in this page
Pages transcluded onto the current version of this page (help):
This page is a member of 12 hidden categories (help):
