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{{short description|Dislike or fear of Russia, its people or its culture}}
{{For|opposition towards the current government of Russia|Opposition to Vladimir Putin in Russia}}
{{pp-move|small=yes}}
{{pp-semi-indef}}
'''Anti-Russian sentiment''' or '''Russophobia''' is dislike or fear or hatred of [[Russia]], [[Russians|Russian people]], or [[Culture of Russia|Russian culture]]. The opposite of Russophobia is [[Russophilia]].

Historically, Russophobia has included state-sponsored and grassroots mistreatment and discrimination, as well as [[propaganda]] containing anti-Russian sentiment.<ref>{{cite journal|last=McNally|first=Raymond T.|title=The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812-1830|journal=[[Slavic Review]]|jstor=3004165|date=1958|volume=17|number=2|pages=173–189|doi=10.2307/3004165 | issn = 1049-7544}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Williams|first=Robert C.|title=Russians in Germany: 1900-1914|journal=[[Journal of Contemporary History]]|jstor=259894|date=1966|volume=1|number=4|pages=121–149|doi=10.1177/002200946600100405|s2cid=154477120}}</ref> In Europe, Russophobia was based on various more or less fantastic fears of Russian conquest of Europe, such as those based on [[The Will of Peter the Great]] forgery documented in France in the 19th century and later resurfacing in Britain as a result of fears of a Russian attack on [[British Raj|British-colonized India]] in relation to the [[Great Game]]. Pre-existing anti-Russian sentiment in Germany is considered to be one of the factors influencing treatment of Russian population under [[Operation Barbarossa|German occupation]] during World War II.

Nowadays, a variety of [[popular culture]] [[cliché]]s and negative [[stereotypes of Russians|stereotypes about Russians]] still exist, notably in the [[Western world]].<ref>{{cite web|last=Brook|first=Tom|title=Hollywood stereotypes: Why are Russians the bad guys|work=[[BBC News]]|publisher=[[BBC]]|date=5 November 2014|access-date=1 August 2022|url=https://www.bbc.com/culture/article/20141106-why-are-russians-always-bad-guys}}</ref> Some individuals may have prejudice or hatred against Russians due to history, racism, propaganda, or ingrained stereotypes.<ref>{{Cite journal|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2210-7975_hrd-9211-20180082|title=Submission to the United States Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination|journal=Human Rights Documents Online|doi=10.1163/2210-7975_hrd-9211-20180082}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Framing Russia: The construction of Russia and Chechnya in the western media|first=Felicitas|last=Macgilchrist|publisher=[[Europa-Universitat Viadrina Frankfurt (Oder)]]|date=21 January 2009|url=https://www.kuwi.europa-uni.de/de/lehrstuhl/vs/anthro/habilprom/macgilchrist_felicitas/index.html|access-date=5 April 2015|archive-date=28 April 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120428214622/https://www.kuwi.europa-uni.de/de/lehrstuhl/vs/anthro/habilprom/macgilchrist_felicitas/index.html|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Le|first=E´lisabeth|date=2006|title=Collective Memories and Representations of National Identity in Editorials: Obstacles to a renegotiation of intercultural relations|url=https://www.sfu.ca/cmns/courses/2012/487/1-Extra%20Readings/le%20journalists%20and%20national%20identity%20memory.pdf|journal=Journalism Studies|volume=7|issue=5|doi=10.1080/14616700600890372|pages=708–728|s2cid=59404040|access-date=2012-10-14|archive-date=2016-03-04|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304061720/https://www.sfu.ca/cmns/courses/2012/487/1-Extra%20Readings/le%20journalists%20and%20national%20identity%20memory.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|first=Olaf|last=Mertelsmann|author-link=Olaf Mertelsmann|url=http://www.erm.ee/pdf/pro19/mertelsmann.pdf|title=How the Russians Turned into the Image of the 'National Enemy' of the Estonians|publisher=Estonian National Museum|access-date=14 October 2012|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130524164246/http://www.erm.ee/pdf/pro19/mertelsmann.pdf|archive-date=24 May 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Luostarinen|first=Heikki|date=May 1989|title=Finnish Russophobia: The Story of an Enemy Image|journal=Journal of Peace Research|volume=26|issue=2|pages=123–137|doi=10.1177/0022343389026002002|jstor=423864|s2cid=145354618}}</ref>
Negative views of Russia are widespread, but most prevalent in Western liberal democracies.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.allianceofdemocracies.org/initiatives/the-copenhagen-democracy-summit/dpi-2022/|title=Democracy Perception Index 2022|publisher=Alliance of Democracies|date=30 May 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://docs.cdn.yougov.com/kkh07ajgn8/Globalism2020%20TBI%20China%20Reputation%20Annual%20Comparison.pdf|title=Globalism 2019/20|publisher=YouGov|date=27 December 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Views-of-Russia-Topline-for-Release_UPDATED.pdf|title=Pew Research Center, Spring 2019 Global Attitudes Survey|publisher=Pew Research Center|date=7 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210326162836/https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Views-of-Russia-Topline-for-Release_UPDATED.pdf|archive-date=26 March 2021|url-status=live}}</ref>

Some analysts have argued that official Western rhetoric and journalism about Russian actions abroad have contributed to the resurgence of anti-Russian sentiment, besides disapproval of the [[Second Chechen War]], Russian reaction to [[Russia–NATO relations#Opposition to NATO's enlargement|NATO enlargement]], the 2008 [[Russo-Georgian war]] and [[Russian interference in the 2016 United States election]].<ref name="carnegie2001" /><ref name="poznerydn">{{cite news|last1=Lopez|first1=Oscar|title=US-Russian journalist talks rise of Putin|url=https://yaledailynews.com/blog/2018/09/28/us-russian-journalist-talks-rise-of-putin/ |access-date=6 June 2022|publisher=Yale Daily News|date=28 September 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220227084407/https://yaledailynews.com/blog/2018/09/28/us-russian-journalist-talks-rise-of-putin/ |archive-date=27 February 2022 |url-status=live|quote=Pozner also claimed that mainstream journalists in both the U.S. and Russia contributed to the formation of the negative opinions the citizens of both countries have of each other.}}</ref><ref name="2008georgiausrussia" />
Anti-Russian sentiment rose considerably after the start of the [[Russo-Ukrainian war|Russian war against Ukraine]] in 2014.<ref name="pew-attitudes-2014" />
By the summer of 2020, majority of Western nations had unfavorable views of Russia.<ref name="pew202014nations" />

Following the [[2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine]], Russian-speaking immigrants experienced harassment, open hostility and discrimination.<ref name="reuters2022attacks">{{Cite news|date=2022-04-05|title=Germany reports rise in attacks against Russian, Ukrainian migrants|language=en|work=Reuters|url=https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/germany-reports-rise-attacks-against-russian-ukrainian-migrants-2022-04-05/ |access-date=2022-06-03}}</ref><ref name="wapo2022childrenenemies" /><ref name="wapo2022hostility" />

Some researchers have described use of "Russophobia" narratives to be a tactic used by [[Vladimir Putin]]. These narratives emphasizes the belief that Russia faces an existential threat from the Western powers and must take drastic measures to ensure domestic stability including support for the ongoing [[Russo-Ukrainian War|war in Ukraine]]. Such narratives have been described as [[Russian imperialism]].<ref name="mcfaul15" /><ref name="wapo2206" /><ref name="jdpz" />

==History==
=== 18th and 19th centuries ===
[[File:March of Russian barbarity and cholera epidemic to Europe (French allegory).PNG|thumb|upright=1.35|1831 French engraving "Barbarism and Cholera enter Europe. Polish people fight, the powers make the protocols and France..." by [[Denis Auguste Marie Raffet]], depicting Russian suppression of [[November Uprising]] in Poland in 1831.<ref>{{cite book|author=Lloyd S. Kramer |title=Lafayette in Two Worlds: Public Cultures and Personal Identities in an Age of Revolutions |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7uQ6CwAAQBAJ&pg=PT283 |year=2000|page=283|publisher=Univ of North Carolina Press |isbn=9780807862674}}</ref>]]
[[File:Puck magazine, 1903 April 22.jpg|thumb|upright=0.8|A 1903 [[Puck (magazine)|Puck]] llustration depicting a large bear wearing a crown labeled "Russia" clutching a diminutive [[Émile Loubet]] labeled "France" as an explosion sends clouds of smoke labeled "Balkan Trouble" billowing skyward]]

On 19 October 1797, the [[French Directory]] received a document from a Polish general, [[Michał Sokolnicki]], entitled "Aperçu sur la Russie". This forgery is known as the so-called "[[The Will of Peter the Great]]" and was first published in October 1812, during the [[Napoleonic wars]], in Charles Louis-Lesur's much-read ''Des progrès de la puissance russe'': this was at the behest of [[Napoleon|Napoleon I]], who ordered a series of articles to be published showing that "Europe is inevitably in the process of becoming booty for Russia".<ref>{{cite book|last=Neumann|first=Iver B.|chapter=Europe's post-Cold War memory of Russia: cui bono?|title=Memory and power in post-war Europe: studies in the presence of the past |editor-first=Jan-Werner |editor-last=Müller|publisher=Cambridge University Press|date=2002|page=132|isbn=978-0-5210-0070-3 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wOsSG0K8hCYC&pg=PA132}}</ref><ref name=mcnally>{{cite journal|last=McNally|first=Raymond T.|title=The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812-1830|journal=American Slavic and East European Review|volume=17|issue=2|pages=173–189|date=April 1958 |doi=10.2307/3004165|jstor=3004165}}</ref> Subsequent to the Napoleonic wars, propaganda against Russia was continued by Napoleon's former confessor, [[Dominique-Georges-Frédéric Dufour de Pradt|Dominique Georges-Frédéric de Pradt]], who in a series of books portrayed Russia as a power-grasping "barbaric" power hungry to conquer Europe.{{sfnp|Neumann|2002|p=133}} With reference to Russia's new constitutional laws in 1811 the [[Savoy]]ard philosopher [[Joseph de Maistre]] wrote the now famous statement: "Every nation gets the government it deserves" ("Toute nation a le gouvernement qu'elle mérite").<ref name="Latham1906">{{cite book|last=Latham|first=Edward|title=Famous Sayings and Their Authors: A Collection of Historical Sayings in English, French, German, Greek, Italian, and Latin |url=https://archive.org/details/famoussayingsan00lathgoog|year=1906|publisher=Swan Sonnenschein|page=[https://archive.org/details/famoussayingsan00lathgoog/page/n200 181]}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Bartlett's Roget's Thesaurus|date=2003|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=D8yVAC8CtO4C|publisher=Little Brown & Company|isbn=9780316735872}}</ref>

Beginning from 1815 and lasting roughly until 1840, British commentators began criticizing the perceived conservatism of the Russian state and its resistance to reform efforts.<ref name="RussophobiaInGB">{{cite book|author1=John Howes Gleason|title=The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain: A Study of the Interaction of Policy and Opinion|date=5 February 1950|publisher=[[Harvard University Press]]|isbn=9780674281097|pages=16–56|url=https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.16696 |language=English}}</ref> In 1836, [[The Westminster Review]] attributed growth of British navy to "Ministers [that] are smitten with the epidemic disease of Russo-phobia".<ref>{{cite book |title=The Westminster Review, Volume 25 |date=April–July 1836 |publisher=Baldwin, Cradock, and Joy |page=276 |chapter=Art. XII. State of politics in 1836. |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SOJMAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA276}}</ref> However, Russophobia in Britain for the rest of the 19th century was primarily related to British fears that the [[Russian conquest of Central Asia]] was a precursor to an attack on [[British Raj|British-colonized India]]. These fears led to the "[[Great Game]]", a series of political and diplomatic confrontations between Britain and Russia during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.<ref>Barbara Jelavich, ''St. Petersburg and Moscow: Tsarist and Soviet Foreign Policy, 1814–1974'' (1974) p 200</ref>

In 1843 the [[Marquis de Custine]] published his hugely successful 1800-page, four-volume travelogue ''[[La Russie en 1839]]''. Custine's scathing narrative reran what were by now clichés which presented Russia as a place where "the veneer of European civilization was too thin to be credible". Such was its huge success that several official and pirated editions quickly followed, as well as condensed versions and translations in German, Dutch, and English. By 1846 approximately 200 thousand copies had been sold.<ref>Fisher, David C. "Russia and the Crystal Palace 1851" in ''Britain, the Empire, and the World at the Great Exhibition of 1851'' ed. Jeffery A. Auerbach & Peter H. Hoffenberg. Ashgate, 2008:pp. 123–124.</ref>

In 1867, [[Fyodor Tyutchev]], a Russian poet, diplomat and member of [[His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery]], introduced the actual term of "russophobia" in a letter to his daughter Anna Aksakova on 20 September 1867,{{citation needed|date=July 2022|reason=Claims that the term was introduced three decades after its use been documented in The Westminster Review. Might be referring to use in Russian – a source needed.}} where he applied it to a number of pro-Western [[Liberalism in Russia|Russian liberals]] who, pretending that they were merely following their [[Liberalism|liberal]] principles, developed a negative attitude towards their own country and always stood on a pro-Western and anti-Russian position, regardless of any changes in the Russian society and having a blind eye on any violations of these principles in the West, "violations in the sphere of justice, morality, and even civilization". He put the emphasis on the [[irrationality]] of this sentiment.<ref name="Shirinyants">Ширинянц А.А., Мырикова А.В. «Внутренняя» русофобия и «польский вопрос» в России XIX в. Проблемный анализ и государственно-управленческое проектирование. № 1 (<span class="ltr">39</span>) / том 8 / 2015. С. 16</ref> Tyutchev saw Western anti-Russian sentiment as the result of misunderstanding caused by [[East–West dichotomy|civilizational differences between East and West]].<ref>Ширинянц А.А., Мырикова А.В. «Внутренняя» русофобия и «польский вопрос» в России XIX в. Проблемный анализ и государственно-управленческое проектирование. № 1 (<span class="ltr">39</span>) / том 8 / 2015. С. 15</ref>

=== German atrocities in World War II ===
{{See also|Generalplan Ost|Consequences of Nazism|German war crimes against Soviet civilians|World War II casualties of the Soviet Union}}
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-B01718, Ausstellung "Planung und Aufbau im Osten".jpg|thumb|[[Rudolf Hess]], [[Heinrich Himmler]] and [[Reinhard Heydrich]] listening to [[Konrad Meyer]] at a ''[[Generalplan Ost]]'' exhibition, 20 March 1941.]]

[[Adolf Hitler]] and the [[Nazi Party]] regarded [[Slavic people]]s (especially Poles and [[East Slavs]]) as non-Aryan ''[[Untermenschen]]'' (subhumans).<ref>{{cite book|last=Longerich|first=Peter|title=Holocaust: The Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews |url=https://archive.org/details/holocaustnaziper00long | url-access = limited|year=2010|isbn=978-0-19-280436-5|publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford; New York|page=[https://archive.org/details/holocaustnaziper00long/page/n255 241]}}</ref> As early as 1925, Hitler suggested in ''[[Mein Kampf]]'' that the German people needed ''[[Lebensraum]]'' ("living space") to achieve German expansion eastwards (''[[Drang nach Osten]]'') at the expense of the inferior Slavs. Hitler believed that "the organization of a Russian state formation was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs in Russia, but only a wonderful example of the state-forming efficacity of the German element in an inferior race."<ref>Adolf Hitler, ''Mein Kampf'', 1925</ref>

After the [[invasion of the Soviet Union]], Hitler expressed his plans for the Slavs:

{{blockquote|As for the ridiculous hundred million Slavs, we will mold the best of them as we see fit, and we will isolate the rest of them in their pig-styes; and anyone who talks about cherishing the local inhabitants and civilizing them, goes straight off into a concentration camp!<ref>{{cite book|author1=H. R. Trevor-Roper|author2=Gerhard L. Weinberg|title=Hitler's Table Talk 1941–1944: Secret Conversations|date=18 October 2013|publisher=Enigma Books|isbn=978-1-936274-93-2|page=466}}</ref>}}

Plans to eliminate Russians and other Slavs from Soviet territory to allow German settlement included starvation. American historian [[Timothy D. Snyder]] maintains that there were 4.2 million victims of the German [[Hunger Plan]] in the Soviet Union, "largely Russians, Belarusians and Ukrainians," including 3.1 million [[Nazi crimes against Soviet POWs|Soviet POWs]] and 1.0 million civilian deaths in the [[Siege of Leningrad]].<ref name="Snyder 2010 p. 411">Snyder (2010), ''Bloodlands,''p. 411. Snyder states "4.2 million Soviet citizens starved by the German occupiers"</ref> According to Snyder, Hitler intended eventually to exterminate up to 45 million Slavs by planned famine as part of ''[[Generalplan Ost]]''.<ref>Snyder (2010), ''Bloodlands,'' p. 160</ref>

Influenced by the guidelines, in a directive sent out to the troops under his command, General [[Erich Hoepner]] of the [[4th Panzer Army]] stated:
{{blockquote|The war against Russia is an important chapter in the German nation's struggle for existence. It is the old battle of the Germanic against the Slavic people, of the defense of European culture against Muscovite-Asiatic inundation and the repulse of [[Jewish Bolshevism]]. The objective of this battle must be the demolition of present-day Russia and must, therefore, be conducted with unprecedented severity. Every military action must be guided in planning and execution by an iron resolution to exterminate the enemy remorselessly and totally. In particular, no adherents of the contemporary Russian Bolshevik system are to be spared.<ref>{{cite book|last=Burleigh|first=Michael|title=The Third Reich: A New History|year=2001|publisher=Pan Macmillan|isbn=978-0-330-48757-3|page=521}}</ref>}}

=== Cold War ===
{{See also|Soviet Union–United States relations}}
Russophobic stereotypes of an illiberal tradition were also favored by Cold War historiographers, even as scholars of early Russia debunked such essentialist notions.<ref>{{Cite journal|date=2001|title=Russophobia and the American Politics of Russian History|journal=Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History|language=en|volume=2|issue=3|pages=465–467|doi=10.1353/kri.2008.0106|issn=1538-5000|last1=David-Fox|first1=Michael|last2=Holquist|first2=Peter.|last3=Poe|first3=Marshall.}}</ref>

Widely criticized for being antisemitic and extremist nationalistic, [[Igor Shafarevich|Igor Shafarevich's]] 1981 work ''Russophobia''<ref>{{cite book|author=Shafarevich, Igor|url=https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA335121.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160207001755/http://www.dtic.mil/get-tr-doc/pdf?Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA335121|url-status=live|archive-date=February 7, 2016|title=Russophobia|date=Mar 1990|publisher=Joint Publications Research Service}}</ref> blamed "Jews seeking world rule" for alleged "vast conspiracy against Russia and all mankind" and seeking destruction of Russia through adoption of a Western-style democracy.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Dunlop |first1=John |title=The 'sad case' of Igor Shafarevich |journal=East European Jewish Affairs |date=1994 |volume=24 |issue=1 |pages=19–30|doi=10.1080/13501679408577760 }}</ref>

=== After 1989 ===
{{Further|topic=Russia-United States relations|Russia–United States relations#The dissolution of the Soviet Union through Yeltsin's terms (1991–99)|Russia–United States relations#Putin and George W. Bush: 2001–2009|label1=during 1991–1999|label2=during 2001–2009}}
{{See also|#United States}}

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, and the collapse of Communism, anti-Russian sentiment in the United States was at an all-time low. However, it has experienced a resurgence during the late 1990s due to Russia's opposition to the enlargement of NATO. According to a [[Gallup (company)|Gallup]] poll, 59% of surveyed Americans viewed Russia negatively in 1999, compared to 25% in 1991.<ref name="gallupht2022">{{cite web|title=Russia – Gallup Historical Trends|url=https://news.gallup.com/poll/1642/russia.aspx|website=Gallup |date=21 February 2007 |access-date=1 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220402113813/https://news.gallup.com/poll/1642/russia.aspx |archive-date=2022-04-02 |url-status=live}}</ref>

[[Anatol Lieven]] considered the Western commentary on the [[Second Chechen War]] and a Russian reaction to [[Russia–NATO relations#Opposition to NATO's enlargement|eastward NATO enlargement]] to be the main cause of growing Russophobia in the 90s. Condemning the brutality of the Russian army and an exaggerated fear of NATO, he argued that the influence of the {{section link||Cold War}} elites and ethnic lobbies, coupled with [[#18th and 19th centuries|19th century stereotypes about Russian expansionism]] led Western journalists and intellectuals to drop professional standards and engage in propaganda, spreading Russophobia and national hatred.<ref name="carnegie2001">{{cite web|last1=Lieven|first1=Anatol |author1-link=Anatol Lieven|title=Against Russophobia|url=https://carnegieendowment.org/2001/01/01/against-russophobia-pub-626|website=World Policy Journal|publisher=Carnegie Endowment for International Peace |access-date=1 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210517170408/https://carnegieendowment.org/2001/01/01/against-russophobia-pub-626 |archive-date=17 May 2021|date=1 January 2001 |url-status=live}}</ref> In April 2007, David Johnson, founder of the [[Johnson's Russia List]], said in interview to the [[Moscow News]]: "I am sympathetic to the view that these days Putin and Russia are perhaps getting too dark a portrayal in most Western media. Or at least that critical views need to be supplemented with other kinds of information and analysis. An openness to different views is still warranted."<ref>[http://www.cdi.org/russia/johnson/2007-93-1.cfm Interview with David Johnson] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090211191502/http://www.cdi.org/russia/johnson/2007-93-1.cfm |date=11 February 2009 }} by the [[Moscow News]], April 2007</ref> [[California]]-based [[international relations]] scholar [[Andrei Tsygankov]] has remarked that anti-Russian political rhetoric coming from [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]] circles has received wide echo in American mainstream media, asserting that "Russophobia's revival is indicative of the fear shared by some U.S. and European politicians that their grand plans to control the world's most precious resources and geostrategic sites may not succeed if Russia's economic and political recovery continues."<ref name = "Tsygankov&nbsp;— May 2008">Tsygankov, Andrei. [http://www.atlantic-community.org/index/Open_Think_Tank_Article/The_Russophobia_Card "The Russophobia Card".] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081010224144/http://www.atlantic-community.org/index/Open_Think_Tank_Article/The_Russophobia_Card |date=10 October 2008 }} Atlantic Community. 19 May 2008. Retrieved 17 August 2009.</ref> In contrast, [[Krystyna Kurczab-Redlich]] and some other reporters active in [[Chechnya]] alarmed already in early 2000s that Putin's true nature and intentions have been exposed by the Russian atrocities during the [[Second Chechen War]] as by no means resembling those of a Western democrat. It was, however, convenient for the Western elites to brand these reports as Russophobic and disregard them, in spite of such reports being delivered also by [[Anna Politkovskaya]], a Russian journalist and [[human rights activist]], later assassinated.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.gazetaprawna.pl/wiadomosci/swiat/artykuly/8492369,kurczab-redlich-putin-rosja-wywiad.html.amp | title=Krystyna Kurczab-Redlich: Przezywano mnie rusofobką, ale to minęło &#91;WYWIAD RIGAMONTI&#93; – GazetaPrawna.pl | date=15 July 2022 }}</ref><ref name="Anna Politkovskaya">[https://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1263184/Anna-Politkovskaya Anna Politkovskaya] ''[[Encyclopædia Britannica]]''</ref> The first among these views has ultimately suffered utter discreditation in a humiliating manner after 2014, primarily because it was inherently flawed as it focused exclusively on the fantastic motivations behind anti-Russian sentiment in Western Europe, while entirely disregarding the precisely specified reasons of negative views of Russia in Central and Eastern Europe which stem in turn from real experience and knowledge.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.chathamhouse.org/2021/05/myths-and-misconceptions-debate-russia|title=Myths and misconceptions in the debate on Russia|date=May 13, 2021|website=Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/07/myths-and-misconceptions-around-russian-military-intent|title=Myths and misconceptions around Russian military intent|date=July 14, 2022|website=Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank}}</ref><ref name="auto2">{{Cite web|url=https://www.politico.eu/article/western-europe-listen-to-the-baltic-countries-that-know-russia-best-ukraine-poland/|title='We told you so!' How the West didn't listen to the countries that know Russia best|date=March 9, 2022}}</ref>

In October 2004, the [[Gallup Poll|International Gallup Organization]] announced that according to its poll, anti-Russia sentiment remained fairly strong throughout Europe and the West in general. It found that Russia was the least popular [[Group of Eight|G-8]] country globally. Overall, the percentage of respondents with a positive view of Russia was only 31%.<ref name="HelsSan">''[[Helsingin Sanomat]]'', 11 October 2004, [https://web.archive.org/web/20070311034013/http://www.hs.fi/english/article/International%2Bpoll%2BAnti-Russian%2Bsentiment%2Bruns%2Bvery%2Bstrong%2Bin%2BFinland/1076154202275 International poll: Anti-Russian sentiment runs very strong in Finland. Only Kosovo has more negative attitude]</ref>

Anti-Russian sentiment in the United States and Western European countries [[Russian reset|decreased]] during the [[presidency of Dmitry Medvedev]], with about half of respondents in US, UK, Germany, Spain and France having positive views of Russia in 2011. It began to increase again after 2012.<ref name="pew202014nations"/> The Transatlantic Trends 2012 Report indicated that "views of Russia turned from favorable to unfavorable on both sides of the Atlantic", noting that most Americans and Europeans, as well as many Russians, said that they were not confident that the election results expressed the will of voters.<ref name="gmfus.org">{{cite web|url=http://trends.gmfus.org/survey-respondents-views-on-other-countries-shift-or-remain-static/|title=Survey: Respondents' Views on Other Countries Shift or Remain Static|work=Transatlantic Trends|access-date=5 April 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141214005536/http://trends.gmfus.org/survey-respondents-views-on-other-countries-shift-or-remain-static/|archive-date=14 December 2014|url-status=dead}}</ref>

Attitudes towards Russia in most countries worsened considerably following Russia's [[Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation|annexation of Crimea]], the subsequent fomenting of the [[2014 pro-Russian unrest in Ukraine]] and its intervention in the resulting [[War in Donbas (2014–2022)|War in Donbas]]. From 2013 to 2014, the median negative attitudes in Europe rose from 54% to 75%, and from 43% to 72% in the United States. Negative attitudes also rose compared to 2013 throughout the Middle East, Latin America, Asia and Africa.<ref name="pew-attitudes-2014">{{cite web|title=Russia's Global Image Negative amid Crisis in Ukraine|url=http://www.pewglobal.org/2014/07/09/russias-global-image-negative-amid-crisis-in-ukraine/|website=Pew Research Center|access-date=1 April 2015|date=9 July 2014}}</ref>

According to political scientist Peter Schulze, the accusations of collusion with Trump campaign, coupled with the [[criminal case of Lisa F.]], which was reported in Germany as an instance of Russia's [[hybrid war]], sparked fears that the [[Kremlin]] could meddle in German campaigns as well, resulting in growth of anti-Russian sentiment in Germany after 2016.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Schulze |first1=Peter |title=Core Europe and Greater Eurasia: A Roadmap for the Future |date=17 August 2017 |publisher=Campus Verlag |location=Frankfurt/New York |isbn=9783593507842 |pages=117–118}}</ref>

By the summer of 2020, majority of Western nations had unfavorable views of Russia, with an exception of Italy, which was attributed by [[Pew Research Center]] to a delivery of medical aid by Moscow early during the [[COVID-19 pandemic in Italy|pandemic]].<ref name="pew202014nations" />

85% of Americans polled by Gallup between 1 and 17 February 2022 had unfavorable view of Russia.<ref name="gallupht2022" />

===2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine===
There was a sharp uptick in manifestations of anti-Russian sentiment after the beginning of the [[2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine]];<ref>{{cite news|last=Beardsworth|first=James|url=https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2022/03/04/russians-abroad-blamed-for-a-regime-they-sought-to-escape-a76762|title=Russians Abroad: Blamed for a Regime They Sought to Escape|work=[[The Moscow Times]]|date=4 March 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220306231213/https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2022/03/04/russians-abroad-blamed-for-a-regime-they-sought-to-escape-a76762 |archive-date=6 March 2022}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite news|last=Floudas|first=Demetrius A.|date=14 March 2022|title=Ukraine-Russia conflict: 'Forced to take sides?' Interview|work=BBC TV|type=Video|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NpPXnOLz87E |url-status=live |access-date=15 March 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220315154725/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NpPXnOLz87E |archive-date=15 March 2022}}</ref> following the start of the invasion, anti-Russian sentiment soared across the Western world.<ref name="gmfus.org" /><ref>{{Cite web|last=Floudas|first=Demetrius A.|date=8 March 2022|title=Ukraine War: Russians in Britain are facing some difficult choices|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-cambridgeshire-60664159#selection-963.0-963.52 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220309224343/https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-cambridgeshire-60664159#selection-963.0-963.52 |archive-date=9 March 2022 |access-date=11 March 2022|website=BBC News|type=Interview}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Russophobia in US nears Cold War levels, 80% see Russia as enemy: Poll|url=https://www.wionews.com/world/russophobia-in-us-nears-cold-war-levels-80-see-russia-as-enemy-poll-456748 |access-date=10 March 2022|website=[[WION]]|date=26 February 2022 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Russian-owned businesses in US face discrimination, vandalism over Ukraine invasion|url=https://www.fox6now.com/news/russian-owned-businesses-in-us-face-discrimination-vandalism-over-ukraine-invasion.amp |access-date=2022-03-14|website=Fox 6 News Milwaukee}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Lourgos|first=Angie Leventis|title=Russian Tea Time restaurant in downtown Chicago was founded by Ukrainians. Now it faces misplaced backlash.|url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/breaking/ct-russian-tea-time-ukraine-20220310-bzsgsu4stjhqrpmq77oqmq4af4-story.html |access-date=2022-03-14|website=Chicago Tribune|date=10 March 2022 }}</ref> Since the invasion commenced, ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking immigrants from [[post-Soviet states]] are globally reporting rising instances of open hostility and discrimination towards them.<ref name="wapo2022hostility">{{cite news|title=As Ukraine war intensifies, some Russian speakers far from Moscow are feeling hostility|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2022/03/03/anti-russian-sentiment-us/|newspaper=[[The Washington Post]]|date=3 March 2022}}</ref><ref name="wapo2022childrenenemies">{{Cite news|title=Anti-Russian hate in Europe is making chefs and school children out to be enemies|language=en-US|newspaper=Washington Post|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/03/07/antirussian-hate-putin-europe/ |access-date=2022-03-28|issn=0190-8286}}</ref>  This hostility is not just towards Russian people; it has also been seen directed towards businesses as well.<ref>{{cite news|last=Matusek|first=Sarah|title=Russian Americans face misdirected blame for war in Ukraine|url=https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Society/2022/0310/Russian-Americans-face-misdirected-blame-for-war-in-Ukraine|work=[[The Christian Science Monitor|The Monitor]]|date=10 March 2022}}</ref>

A "pervasive climate of distrust" towards Russian passport holders in Europe and rejections of bank account applications because of nationality were reported.<ref name="reuters22ruistoxic">{{cite web|last1=Ridley|first1=Kirstin|author2=Neghaiwi, Brenna Hughes|author3=Kaye, Danielle|title=Sanctioned or not, Russians abroad find their money is 'toxic'|url=https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/sanctioned-or-not-russians-abroad-find-their-money-is-toxic-2022-03-30/|website=Reuters |access-date=14 June 2022 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220330122624/https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/sanctioned-or-not-russians-abroad-find-their-money-is-toxic-2022-03-30/ |archive-date=30 March 2022|date=30 March 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>
United Kingdom limited how much Russian nationals are allowed to save on bank accounts. The banking industry considered the restriction to violate UK equality laws, which forbid discrimination by nationality.<ref name="tg22bottarodepositsban">{{cite web|last1=Bottaro|first1=Guilia |title=Ban on Russian bank deposits over £50,000 is illegal, warn finance chiefs|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/business/2022/03/31/ban-russian-bank-deposits-50000-illegal-warn-finance-chiefs/|website=The Telegraph |access-date=14 June 2022 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220401000651/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/business/2022/03/31/ban-russian-bank-deposits-50000-illegal-warn-finance-chiefs/ |archive-date=1 April 2022|date=31 March 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>
[[Leonid Gozman]] called European restrictions discriminatory and said that they harmed dissidents who were forced to leave Russia, leaving them without means to survive.<ref name="fp22gozmanrestrictions">{{cite web|last1=Gozman|first1=Leonid |author1-link=Leonid Gozman|title=Sanctions Should Punish Putin, Not His Opponents|url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/05/23/russia-sanctions-dissidents/|website=Foreign Policy |access-date=14 June 2022 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220523161624/https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/05/23/russia-sanctions-dissidents/ |archive-date=23 May 2022|date=23 May 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>

Outrage was caused by pro-war demonstrations held in Athens, Berlin, Dublin, Hanover, Frankfurt and Limassol, consisting of "vehicles emblazoned with the pro-war [[Z (military symbol)|Z symbol]] and marches attended by hundreds of flag-waving nationalists". Experts surveyed by ''[[The Times]]'' said that the rallies were likely coordinated by the Kremlin via the soft power [[Rossotrudnichestvo]] agency, stressing that a "bottom-up element" of support for Russia also exists.<ref name="times22eudemos">{{cite web|last1=Parker|first1=Charlie|title=Kremlin 'is behind pro-Russian protests in Europe'|url=https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/kremlin-is-behind-pro-russian-protests-in-europe-9gj27s8g5|website=The Times |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220416142613/https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/kremlin-is-behind-pro-russian-protests-in-europe-9gj27s8g5 |archive-date=16 April 2022|date=14 April 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>

By 2023, the most negative perception of Russia was in Ukraine (net negative 79%), followed by Portugal with 69%, Japan with 68%, and Poland with 68%, according to the 2023 Democracy Perception Index.<ref name="DPI 2023">{{cite web |title=Global democracy poll: Western support for Ukraine holds, but democracy at home is under pressure |agency=[[Alliance of Democracies]] |date=10 May 2023 |url=https://www.allianceofdemocracies.org/initiatives/the-copenhagen-democracy-summit/dpi-2023/ |access-date=13 April 2024 |archive-date=9 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231209192303/https://www.allianceofdemocracies.org/initiatives/the-copenhagen-democracy-summit/dpi-2023/ |url-status=live }}</ref>

== As a polemic device ==
The Kremlin and its supporters are sometimes criticised for using allegations of "Russophobia" as a form of [[propaganda]] to counter criticism of government policy.<ref name="Umland">{{cite web|last=Umland|first=Andreas|author-link=Andreas Umland|date=21 January 2016|title=The Putinverstehers' Misconceived Charge of Russophobia: How Western Apology for the Kremlin's Current Behavior Contradicts Russian National Interests|url=http://hir.harvard.edu/the-putinverstehers-misconceived-charge-of-russophobia/|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161111211046/http://hir.harvard.edu/the-putinverstehers-misconceived-charge-of-russophobia/|archive-date=11 November 2016|access-date=11 November 2016|work=[[Harvard International Review]]}}</ref><ref name="jdpz">{{cite journal |last1=Darczewska |first1=Jolanta|last2=Żochowsky|first2=Piotr |date=October 2015|title=Russophobia in the Kremlin's strategy: A weapon of mass destruction |url=https://www.osw.waw.pl/sites/default/files/pw_56_ang_russophobia_net.pdf|journal=Point of View|publisher=[[Centre for Eastern Studies|OSW Centre for Eastern Studies]]|issue=56|isbn=978-83-62936-72-4|access-date=11 November 2016}}</ref> Sources critical of the Russian government claim that it is Russian state-owned media and administration who attempt to discredit the "neutral" criticism by generalizing it into indiscriminate accusations of the whole Russian population – or Russophobia.<ref name="jdpz"/><ref>{{cite web|title=Kremlin's Campaign against Russophobia Threatens both Russia and the West, Polish Experts Say|url=http://www.interpretermag.com/kremlins-campaign-against-russophobia-threatens-both-russia-and-the-west-polish-experts-say/|website=www.interpretermag.com|access-date=15 November 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.aspeninstitute.cz/en/article/4-2015-four-types-of-russian-propaganda/|title=Four Types of Russian Propaganda |publisher=[[Aspen Institute]]|access-date=11 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160310112956/http://www.aspeninstitute.cz/en/article/4-2015-four-types-of-russian-propaganda/ |archive-date=10 March 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref> In 2006, poet and essayist [[Lev Rubinstein]] wrote that similarly to the term "[[fascism]]", the term "Russophobia" has become a political sticker slapped onto people who disagree with words or actions of people or organizations who position themselves as "Russian ones" in the ideological, rather than an ethnic or geographical sense.<ref>[https://graniru.org/Politics/Russia/m.113864.html Lev Rubuinstein, "РуСССкие на марше"] ("RuSSSians are Marching"), ''Grani.ru'']</ref>

Russian responses to outside anti-Russian criticism has intensified the growth of contemporary [[Russian nationalism|Russian nationalist]] ideology, which in many ways mirrors its predecessor, [[Soviet nationalism]].<ref name="jdpz"/><ref name="Horvath">{{cite book|title=The legacy of Soviet dissent: dissidents, democratisation and radical nationalism in Russia|last=Horvath|first=Robert|year=2005|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=978-0-415-33320-7|page=262 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SwGor-EgxvsC&pg=PA130}}</ref> Sociologist [[Anatoly Khazanov]] states that there's a national-patriotic movement which believes that there's a "[[Clash of Civilizations|clash of civilizations]], a global struggle between the materialistic, individualistic, consumerist, cosmopolitan, corrupt, and {{ill|decadent West|ru|Гнилой Запад}} led by the United States and the [[Eurasianism|idealist, collectivist, morally and spiritually superior Eurasia led by Russia]]."<ref>{{cite web |title=Contemporary Russian Nationalism between East and West|last=Khazanov|first=Anatoly |author-link=Anatoly Khazanov|year=2012|publisher=[[Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen]]|url=https://www.iwm.at/transit-online/contemporary-russian-nationalism-between-east-and-west |access-date=2022-05-31 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210224184503/https://www.iwm.at/transit-online/contemporary-russian-nationalism-between-east-and-west |archive-date=2021-02-24 |url-status=live}}</ref> In their view, the United States wants to break up Russia and turn it into a source of raw materials. The West being accused of Russophobia is a major part of their beliefs.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Khazanov|first1=Anatoly M. |author-link1= Anatoly Khazanov |editor1-first=T.V. |editor1-last=Paul |editor1-link= T. V. Paul|others=[[John Ikenberry|G. John Ikenberry]], [[John A. Hall]]|title=The nation-state in question|year=2003|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0691115092|pages=96–97|chapter=A State without a Nation? Russia after Empire |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8r_B_iU9qBQC&pg=PA79}}</ref>

[[Joseph Stiglitz]] wrote that these attitudes are reinforced by the failure of the post-Soviet liberal economic reforms, which are perceived to have been influenced by the US Treasury.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Stiglitz|first1=Joseph |author1-link=Joseph Stiglitz |title=Putin's illiberal stagnation in Russia offers a valuable lesson|url=https://www.theguardian.com/business/2017/apr/03/putins-illiberal-stagnation-in-russia-offers-valuable-lesson-joseph-stiglitz|website=The Guardian |access-date=31 May 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210329025732/https://www.theguardian.com/business/2017/apr/03/putins-illiberal-stagnation-in-russia-offers-valuable-lesson-joseph-stiglitz |archive-date=29 March 2021|date=3 April 2017 |url-status=live}}</ref> A mismatch between U.S. rhetoric about promoting democratic reforms in Russia and actual U.S. actions and policy has been said to cause deep resentment among Russians, helping Russian propaganda to construct a narrative of U.S. malign interference.<ref name="carnegie19thirtyyears">{{cite web|last1=Rumer|first1=Eugene |author2=Sokolsky, Richard|title=Thirty Years of U.S. Policy Toward Russia: Can the Vicious Circle Be Broken?|url=https://carnegieendowment.org/2019/06/20/thirty-years-of-u.s.-policy-toward-russia-can-vicious-circle-be-broken-pub-79323|website=Carnegie Endowment for International Peace |access-date=14 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220601190455/https://carnegieendowment.org/2019/06/20/thirty-years-of-u.s.-policy-toward-russia-can-vicious-circle-be-broken-pub-79323 |archive-date=1 June 2022|date=20 June 2019 |url-status=live}}</ref>

Since the 2014 [[Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation|annexation of Crimea]] and subsequent [[Sanctions against Russia|sanctions]], there was a rapid growth of charges of Russophobia in the official discourse. Use of the term on the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs website rose dramatically during the period between 2014 and 2018.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2019|first=Neil|last=Robinson|title="Russophobia" in Official Russian Political Discourse |url=https://ulir.ul.ie/bitstream/handle/10344/8429/Robinson%2C%20Russophobia.pdf?sequence=2 |website=DeEuropa|language=en |access-date=2023-02-27|archive-date=2022-01-16|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220116155413/https://ulir.ul.ie/bitstream/handle/10344/8429/Robinson%2C%20Russophobia.pdf?sequence=2 |url-status=dead}}</ref> Russian President [[Vladimir Putin]] compared Russophobia to [[antisemitism]].<ref>{{cite news|title=PA Chairman Abbas to meet Russia's President Putin|url=http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/241841|work=Israel National News|date=12 February 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Netanyahu lashes out at Iran in talks with Putin|url=http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/netanyahu-lashes-out-at-iran-in-talks-with-putin-126528|work=[[Hürriyet Daily News]]|date=30 January 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Putin Speaks Against Holocaust Denial and Anti-Semitism |url=https://themoscowtimes.com/news/putin-speaks-against-holocaust-denial-and-anti-semitism-60326|work=[[The Moscow Times]] |date=30 January 2018}}</ref> Academic [[Jade McGlynn]] considered conflation of modern Russophobia and Nazi antisemitism to be a part of propaganda strategy that uses historical framing to create a flattering narrative that the [[Russo-Ukrainian War]] is a restaging of the [[Great Patriotic War (term)|Great Patriotic War]].<ref name="mcglynn22bisa">{{cite web |last1=McGlynn |first1=Jade |title=Russian rekindling of the Great Patriotic War |url=https://www.bisa.ac.uk/members/working-groups/resg/articles/russian-rekindling-great-patriotic-war |website=The British International Studies Association |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220601171803/https://www.bisa.ac.uk/members/working-groups/resg/articles/russian-rekindling-great-patriotic-war |archive-date=1 June 2022 |date=8 March 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="mcglynn22spectator">{{cite web |last1=McGlynn |first1=Jade |title=What TV is telling Russians – and why they believe it |url=https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/what-tv-is-telling-russians--and-why-they-believe-it |website=The Spectator |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220324123857/https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/what-tv-is-telling-russians--and-why-they-believe-it |archive-date=24 March 2022 |date=26 March 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref> Kathryn Stoner and [[Michael McFaul]] explained the turn to radical nationalism as a strategy to preserve the regime within domestic economical and political pressures, claiming that "To maintain his argument for legitimacy at home, Putin needs... constant confrontation that supports the narrative that Russia is under siege from the West, that Russia is at war with the United States."<ref name="mcfaul15">{{cite journal|last1=Stoner |first1=Kathryn|last2=McFaul|first2=Michael |author2-link=Michael McFaul |title=Who Lost Russia (This Time)? Vladimir Putin |journal=Washington Quarterly|date=2015|volume=38|issue=2 |pages=167–187 |doi=10.1080/0163660X.2015.1064716|s2cid=153400297 |doi-access=free}}</ref>

A Russian political scientist and a senior visiting fellow at the [[George Washington University]] Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies [[Maria Lipman]] said that this narrative was made more convincing by imposing sanctions on Russia and supporting Ukraine with weapons, as well as by statements about weakening Russia made by American establishment, amplified on Russian television.<ref>{{cite magazine |last1=Chotiner |first1=Isaac |title=Putin Has a Patriotism Problem |url=https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/putins-patriotism-problem |magazine=The New Yorker |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220608111058/https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/putins-patriotism-problem |archive-date=8 June 2022 |date=8 June 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>

''[[The Washington Post]]'' reported effectiveness of using the label of "Russophobia" by Russian propaganda to sustain support for the [[2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine|invasion of Ukraine]] by presenting it as an existential confrontation with the West. According to an independent polling agency, "people explain that a significant part of the world is against us and it's only Putin who hopes to hold onto Russia, otherwise we would be eaten up completely. To them it is Russia that is defending itself".<ref name="wapo2206">{{cite news |last=Dixon |first=Robyn |author-link=Robyn Dixon (journalist) |date=2022-06-07 |title=Russians weary of Ukraine war want return to normal life |newspaper=The Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/06/05/russia-war-public-opinion/ |url-status=live |access-date= |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220607003142/https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/06/05/russia-war-public-opinion/ |archive-date=2022-06-07}}</ref>

==By country==

{| class="wikitable sortable floatright plainrowheaders" style="border:1px black; float:right; margin-left:1em;"
!+ colspan="5"|Democracy Perception Index 2024<ref name="DPI 2024">{{cite web |title=Democracy Perception Index 2024 |agency=[[Alliance of Democracies]] |date=15 May 2024 |url=https://www.allianceofdemocracies.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/DPI-2024.pdf |access-date=16 May 2024 }}</ref><ref name="Summary Tables">{{cite web |title=Democracy Perception Index 2024 - Topline Results |agency=[[Alliance of Democracies]] |date=15 May 2024 |url=https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1qlT-lpY0_Dgat8c7Qbey2K7tuPO7jRefpxjtkdw2Wjg/edit#gid=482281569 |access-date=16 May 2024 }}</ref><br />"What is your overall perception of Russia?"<br />(default-sorted by decreasing negativity of each country)
|-
! scope="col" | Country polled
! scope="col" | <small>Positive</small>
! scope="col" | <small>Negative</small>
! scope="col" | <small>Neutral</small>
! scope="col" | <small>Difference</small>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Ukraine}}
| {{Percentage bar|2|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|89|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|9|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-87</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Japan}}
| {{Percentage bar|2|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|77|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|21|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-75</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Poland}}
| {{Percentage bar|8|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|78|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|14|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-71</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Portugal}}
| {{Percentage bar|7|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|77|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|16|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-70</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Sweden}}
| {{Percentage bar|8|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|77|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|15|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-68</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Denmark}}
| {{Percentage bar|10|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|73|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|17|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-63</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|France}}
| {{Percentage bar|8|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|69|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|23|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-61</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Netherlands}}
| {{Percentage bar|10|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|66|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|24|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-56</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|United Kingdom}}
| {{Percentage bar|11|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|67|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|22|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-55</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Austria}}
| {{Percentage bar|12|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|67|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|21|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-55</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Belgium}}
| {{Percentage bar|12|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|65|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|23|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-53</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Germany}}
| {{Percentage bar|12|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|65|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|23|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-52</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Spain}}
| {{Percentage bar|13|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|66|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|21|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-52</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Canada}}
| {{Percentage bar|13|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|63|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|24|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-51</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Ireland}}
| {{Percentage bar|14|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|64|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|22|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-50</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Italy}}
| {{Percentage bar|10|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|60|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|30|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-50</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Australia}}
| {{Percentage bar|13|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|60|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|27|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-47</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Switzerland}}
| {{Percentage bar|14|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|60|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|26|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-45</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Brazil}}
| {{Percentage bar|17|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|56|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|27|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-39</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Norway}}
| {{Percentage bar|21|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|58|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|21|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-37</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Romania}}
| {{Percentage bar|16|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|53|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|31|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-36</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|United States}}
| {{Percentage bar|17|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|50|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|33|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-33</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Iran}}
| {{Percentage bar|16|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|48|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|36|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-32</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|South Korea}}
| {{Percentage bar|22|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|52|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|26|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-30</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Hungary}}
| {{Percentage bar|17|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|45|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|38|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-28</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Israel}}
| {{Percentage bar|27|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|50|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|23|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-23</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Chile}}
| {{Percentage bar|22|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|41|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|37|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-19</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Argentina}}
| {{Percentage bar|21|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|39|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|40|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-18</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Greece}}
| {{Percentage bar|25|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|41|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|34|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-16</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Colombia}}
| {{Percentage bar|22|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|37|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|41|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-14</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Taiwan}}
| {{Percentage bar|25|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|36|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|39|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-11</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Singapore}}
| {{Percentage bar|31|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|33|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|36|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:red;">-2</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Venezuela}}
| {{Percentage bar|27|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|26|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|47|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+1</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|South Africa}}
| {{Percentage bar|34|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|32|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|34|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+1</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Thailand}}
| {{Percentage bar|28|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|23|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|49|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+5</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Turkey}}
| {{Percentage bar|34|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|27|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|39|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+7</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Kenya}}
| {{Percentage bar|40|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|27|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|33|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+13</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Philippines}}
| {{Percentage bar|36|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|22|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|42|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+14</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Mexico}}
| {{Percentage bar|38|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|22|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|40|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+16</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Peru}}
| {{Percentage bar|41|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|25|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|34|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+16</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Malaysia}}
| {{Percentage bar|37|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|19|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|44|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+18</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Indonesia}}
| {{Percentage bar|39|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|11|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|50|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+28</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Saudi Arabia}}
| {{Percentage bar|45|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|15|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|40|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+29</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Morocco}}
| {{Percentage bar|44|c=#80FF80|width=50}}|| {{Percentage bar|15|c=#FF8080|width=50}}|| {{Percentage bar|41|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}}|| <span style="color:green;">+30</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Hong Kong}}
| {{Percentage bar|54|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|21|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|25|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+33</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Nigeria}}
| {{Percentage bar|55|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|20|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|25|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+35</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Egypt}}
| {{Percentage bar|57|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|11|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|32|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+45</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Pakistan}}
| {{Percentage bar|59|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|11|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|30|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+48</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|China}}
| {{Percentage bar|56|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|7|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|37|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+48</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Algeria}}
| {{Percentage bar|60|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|6|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|34|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+53</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|India}}
| {{Percentage bar|64|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|11|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|25|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+53</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Vietnam}}
| {{Percentage bar|66|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|8|c=#FF8080|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|26|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}} || <span style="color:green;">+58</span>
|-
! scope="row" | {{flagcountry|Russia}}
| {{Percentage bar|84|c=#80FF80|width=50}}|| {{Percentage bar|6|c=#FF8080|width=50}}|| {{Percentage bar|10|c=#F5F5DC|width=50}}|| <span style="color:green;">+78</span>
|-
|}

===South Caucasus===

====Armenia====
{{See also|Armenia–Russia relations}}

After [[Nicholas II of Russia|Nicholas II]] intensified [[russification]] policies and did not provide significant opposition to the [[Ottoman Empire]]'s [[Armenian genocide|massacres against Armenians]], anti-Russian sentiment among Armenian nationalist groups rose. After the Russian government confiscated Armenian Church lands in 1903, this led to attacks on Russian authorities and Armenians who cooperated with them by Armenians mobilised by the [[Armenian Revolutionary Federation|ARF]] party.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Batalden |first1=Stephen K.|last2=Batalden |first2=Sandra L.|title=The Newly Independent States of Eurasia: Handbook of Former Soviet Republics|date=1997|publisher=Oryx|location=Phoenix |isbn=9780897749404|edition=2nd|page=[https://archive.org/details/newlyindependent00bata/page/99 99] |url=https://archive.org/details/newlyindependent00bata/page/99}}</ref>

In July 1988, during the [[Karabakh movement]], the killing of an Armenian man and the injury of tens of others by the Soviet army in a violent [[Zvartnots Airport clash|clash at Zvartnots Airport]] near [[Yerevan]] sparked anti-Russian and anti-Soviet demonstrations.<ref>{{cite book |last=Cohen|first=Ariel|title=Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis|year=1998|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=9780275964818 |page=135|quote=At his funeral, the Armenians erupted in anti-Russian and anti-Soviet demonstrations.}}</ref> In 2015, relations between Armenia and Russia were strained after the [[Gyumri massacre|massacre of an Armenian family of 7]] in [[Gyumri]] by a Russian serviceman, stationed at the [[Russian 102nd Military Base|Russian base]] there.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Nikoghosyan|first1=Alina|title=Shock and Questions: Gyumri mourns murders as it looks for reasons|url=http://armenianow.com/society/59747/murder_in_gyumri_valeri_permyakov_russian_military_base_in_armenia|work=[[ArmeniaNow]]|date=13 January 2015 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150114002520/http://armenianow.com/society/59747/murder_in_gyumri_valeri_permyakov_russian_military_base_in_armenia |archive-date=14 January 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last=Grigoryan|first=Armen|title=Murder of Armenian Family by Russian Soldier Severely Strains Moscow-Yerevan Relations|url=http://www.jamestown.org/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=43410&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=7&cHash=7471107e49b64afa1921b452607700a4#.VLp_b9LF-WE|work=Eurasia Daily Monitor|publisher=[[The Jamestown Foundation]]|date=16 January 2015|location=Washington, DC}}</ref>

Relations between Armenia and Russia have worsened in recent years, due to Russia's refusal to help Armenia in the [[2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war]] and the [[September 2022 Armenia–Azerbaijan clashes]],<ref>{{cite news|title=Pashinyan refuses to sign CSTO declaration after bloc's failure to help Armenia |url=https://www.intellinews.com/pashinyan-refuses-to-sign-csto-declaration-after-bloc-s-failure-to-help-armenia-263492/ |work=[[bne IntelliNews]]|date=25 November 2022}}</ref> as well as due to statements perceived to be anti-Armenian made by figures close to Russian President Vladimir Putin.<ref>{{cite news|title=Russia Today, Sputnik head accuses Armenian gov't of being anti-Russian|url=https://jam-news.net/margarita-simonyan-russia-today-sputnik-accused-armenian-authorities-of-anti-russian-stance/ |work=JAM news|date=19 July 2020}}</ref> This has resulted in anti-Russian sentiment rising sharply in the country.<ref>{{cite news|title=Putin visits Armenia as anti-Russia sentiment blooms |url=https://eurasianet.org/putin-visits-armenia-as-anti-russia-sentiment-blooms |work=Eurasia|date=23 November 2022}}</ref>

====Azerbaijan====
{{See also|Azerbaijan–Russia relations|Black January}}
The 1990 [[Black January]] massacre prior to Azerbaijani independence and Russia's complicated role in the [[First Nagorno-Karabakh War]] between Azerbaijan and Armenia increased the negative perception of Russia.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://ge.boell.org/en/2017/10/16/betwixt-and-between-reality-russian-soft-power-azerbaijan|title=Betwixt and between: the reality of Russian soft-power in Azerbaijan|website=Böll SOUTH CAUCASUS}}</ref> Under [[Abulfaz Elchibey]]'s presidency in 1992–93, relations between Russia and Azerbaijan were damaged due to his anti-Russian policies,<ref name="Svante">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ff2zOZYaZx0C&q=elchibey%20iran&pg=PA324|title=Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus|first=Svante|last=Cornell|date=1 December 2000|publisher=Taylor & Francis|access-date=29 September 2016|via=Google Books|isbn=9780203988879}}</ref> however under [[Ilham Aliyev]], relations instead improved.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://en.president.az/articles/25667|title=Official web-site of President of Azerbaijan Republic - NEWS» Receptions Ilham Aliyev received Deputy Chairman of Council of Federation of Russian Federal Assembly and chairman of People's Assembly of Dagestan|website=en.president.az |access-date=15 November 2017}}</ref>

====Georgia====
{{See also|Georgia–Russia relations|Russo-Georgian war|Russians in Georgia}}
{{multiple image|total_width=300
|image1=F**k Putin sign in Georgia.jpg
|image2=Explicit message "Fuck Russia". Tbilisi.jpg
|footer=Anti-Russian signs in Georgia. 
}}
There has been increased animosity towards Russians in [[Tbilisi]] after the 2022 [[Russian invasion of Ukraine]], which has also been directed towards exiled Russians who recently fled their home country. It has included signs from businesses and posts from Airbnb hosts declaring “Russians not welcome”, anti-Russian graffiti found on many central streets, the famous [[Bassiani]] nightclub banning anyone with a Russian passport, and an online petition signed by thousands of locals demanding tougher immigration rules for Russians.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Inna Lazareva|date=April 3, 2022|title=Russians in Tbilisi, Georgia, face public anger despite their anti-Putin activism|newspaper=The Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/04/03/ukraine-russia-georgia/}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=2022-03-08|title=Georgia, a bleak new home for Russian exiles|url=https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20220308-georgia-a-bleak-new-home-for-russian-exiles|website=[[France 24]], [[Agence France Presse]]|language=en}}</ref>

Accordingly, in March 2022 a strong majority of 84% of respondents to a Georgian poll said Russia is the enemy of Georgia,<ref>{{cite web | url=https://civil.ge/archives/478160 | title=87% of Georgians: Ukraine's War Ours Too | work=Civil Georgia |date=2022-03-10 |access-date=2024-02-09}}</ref> a sharp uptick compared with a decade earlier. According to a 2012 poll, 35% of Georgians perceived Russia as Georgia's biggest enemy.<ref name="css.ethz.ch">{{cite journal|editor=Kempe, Iris|url=http://www.css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/CAD-51-52.pdf|title=The South Caucasus Between The EU And The Eurasian Union|journal=Caucasus Analytical Digest|issue=51–52|publisher=Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen and Center for Security Studies, Zürich|pages=20–21|date=17 June 2013|access-date=12 November 2016|issn=1867-9323}}</ref> Furthermore, in a February 2013 poll a majority of 63% said Russia is Georgia's biggest political and economic threat as opposed to 35% of those who looked at Russia as the most important partner for Georgia.<ref>{{cite web|title=Georgian National Study February 18 – 27, 2013|url=http://www.iri.org/sites/default/files/2013_May_16_Survey_of_Georgian_Public_Opinion_February_18-27_2013.pdf|publisher=[[International Republican Institute]], Baltic Surveys Ltd., The Gallup Organization, The Institute of Polling And Marketing|page=35 |date=February 2013|access-date=12 November 2016}}</ref> In November 2023, 11% preferred closer ties with Russia, while abandoning western ties, and 25% wanted to deepen ties with Russia.<ref>{{cite web |title=Results of October-November 2023 Public Opinion Polls in Georgia |pages=94–97 |work=NDI / CRRC Georgia |date=2023-11-11 |url=https://www.ndi.org/sites/default/files/NDI%20Georgia_GGF%20poll_October_2023_Eng_VF.pdf |access-date=2024-02-09}}</ref>

The root of the Georgian anti-Russian sentiment lies in the history of Russian colonialism of Transcaucasia. For Georgians, the country was twice occupied and annexed by Russia. First in 1801 under the Tsarist regime, and then, after a short interlude of independence of the [[Democratic Republic of Georgia]] (1918–1921), a 70-year period of forceful Soviet occupation.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/08/ruzzki-not-welcome-the-russian-exiles-getting-a-hostile-reception-in-georgia | title='Ruzzki not welcome': the Russian exiles getting a hostile reception in Georgia | work=The Guardian |date=2023-08-08 |access-date=2024-02-09}}</ref> This sentiment was further fed by the events of the 1990s, when Russia supported the independence of [[Abkhazia]] and [[South Ossetia]], two historically inalienable parts of Georgia, causing the [[Abkhaz–Georgian conflict]], the [[Georgian–Ossetian conflict]] and later the [[Russo-Georgian War|war with Russia]] in 2008.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/27/world/europe/27russia.html |title=Russia Backs Independence of Georgian Enclaves |first=Clifford J.|last=Levy|work=The New York Times |date=26 August 2008}}</ref> It was also followed by Georgian sympathy to the [[Chechens]] during the [[Chechen–Russian conflict]] of the 1990s.<ref>{{Cite news |url=https://www.rferl.org/a/1100701.html |title=Caucasus: Georgians, Chechens Take Stand Against Russia Over Pankisi|newspaper=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty|date=9 April 2008 |last1=Peuch |first1=Jean-Christophe}}</ref>

===Rest of Europe===
Anti-Russian sentiment in Europe has a long history, dating back several centuries. Initially, it was largely driven by religious and cultural differences, as well as Russia's expansionist policies.<ref name="mpaul2001">{{Cite journal |last=Paul |first=C. Michael |title=Western Negative Perceptions of Russia: "The Cold War Mentality" Over Five Hundred Years |journal=International Social Science Review |year=2001 |volume=76 |issue=3/4 |pages=103–121 |jstor=41887071 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41887071}}</ref>{{rp|114–115}} This sentiment has evolved over time, but the underlying themes of perceived barbarism, imperialism, and cultural inferiority have remained constant.<ref name="mpaul2001" />{{rp|104–105}}

Negative views of Russia in Europe began to take shape in the 15th century during the period of Russian expansion into non-Russian lands under [[Ivan III of Russia|Ivan III]]. Russia's campaigns against Poland-Lithuania, Livonian cities, and Swedish-held Finland marked the beginning of a perception of Russia as a threat. During this era, Russia was often portrayed as a barbaric, un-Christian, and imperialistic nation by its European adversaries.<ref name="mpaul2001" />{{rp|104–105}} Michael C. Paul argued that [[Swedish–Novgorodian Wars|the crusades of the 13th century]] against Russian Christian cities like Novgorod and Pskov may highlight even more deeply rooted religious and cultural animosity.<ref name="mpaul2001" />{{rp|106}}

During the [[Livonian War]] (1558&ndash;83), European powers, particularly Poland-Lithuania and the Livonian German cities, intensified their negative perception of Russia. They imposed embargoes on war supplies to Russia, fearing the possibility of it receiving military supplies from England, which had an [[Muscovy Company|active trade mission in Russia]]. [[Elizabeth I#Russia|Queen Elizabeth]] denied the accusations.<ref name="mpaul2001" />{{rp|106–107}}

Contemporaries described [[Tsardom of Russia]] and early [[Russian Empire]] as a barbaric enemy of Christianity. Accounts by Western travelers like Austrian Ambassador [[Sigismund von Herberstein]] and English Ambassador [[Giles Fletcher, the Elder|Giles Fletcher]] in the 16th century portrayed Russia in a negative light, focusing on aspects like superstition, brutality, and backwardness. Negative views persisted into the 17th and 18th centuries, with Western observers continuing to highlight aspects like superstition, drunkenness, and barbaric practices in Russian society. Notable figures like Captain John Perry and French travelers [[Jacques Margeret]] and [[Jean-Baptiste Chappe d'Auteroche|Jean Chappe d'Auteroche]] contributed to these perceptions, often comparing Russian society unfavorably with Western standards.<ref name="mpaul2001" />{{rp|107–109}}

More recently, Russophobia in Western Europe was based on various more or less fantastic fears of Russian conquest of Europe, such as those based on [[The Will of Peter the Great]] forgery documented in France in the 19th century and later resurfacing in Britain as a result of fears of a Russian attack on [[British Raj|British-colonized India]] in relation to the [[Great Game]]. The modern-day negative attitude and distrust to Russia in nations of Central and Eastern Europe has in turn been firmly anchored in historic violence by the [[Soviet war crimes|Soviet Union]] and present-day [[Russian war crimes|Russia]].<ref name="auto2"/>{{citation needed|date=December 2023|reason=The conclusion isn't supported by the source directly.}}

In a 2012 survey, the percentage of Russian immigrants in the EU that indicated that they had experienced racially motivated [[hate crime]]s was 5%, which is less than the average of 10% reported by several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities in the EU.<ref name=hatecrime>[http://fra.europa.eu/en/press-release/2012/hate-crime-reality-eu-two-new-fra-reports-show Pressrelase] and [http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/hate_crime_pr_en.pdf Fact sheet] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190621151517/https://fra.europa.eu/en/press-release/2012/hate-crime-reality-eu-two-new-fra-reports-show |date=21 June 2019 }} for the study "Hate crime in the European Union" by EU [[Fundamental Rights Agency]] November 2012</ref> 17% of Russian immigrants in the EU said that they had been victims of crimes in the preceding 12 months, as compared to an average of 24% among several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities.<ref>{{cite book|url=http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012-eu-midis-dif6_0.pdf|title=EU-MIDIS, European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey: Minorities as Victims of crime|publisher=European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights|year=2012|access-date=20 October 2016}}</ref>

====Baltics====

In 2015, the chairman of the Russian [[State Duma]]'s Foreign Affairs Committee [[Aleksey Pushkov]] alleged that Russophobia had become the state policy in the Baltic states<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.baltictimes.com/duma_committee_chairman_hits_out_at_baltic____russophobia___/|title=Duma Committee Chairman hits out at Baltic "Russophobia"|date=10 November 2015|publisher=[[The Baltic Times]] |access-date=1 July 2018}}</ref> and in 2021 [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Russia)|Minister of Foreign Affairs]] [[Sergey Lavrov]] accused the Baltic states of being "the leaders of the Russophobic minority" in [[NATO]] and the [[European Union]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://tass.com/politics/1292403|title=Russia will never turn the other cheek in foreign policy matters, top diplomat says|date=21 May 2021|publisher=[[TASS]] |access-date=7 August 2021}}</ref>

===== Estonia =====
{{Unbalanced section|date=August 2021}}
{{See also|Estonia–Russia relations|Russians in Estonia}}
A poll conducted by Gallup International suggested that 34% Estonians have a positive attitude towards Russia, but it is supposed that survey results were likely impacted by a large ethnic Russian minority in the country.<ref name="HelsSan"/> However, in a 2012 poll only 3% of the Russian minority in Estonia reported that they had experienced a hate crime (as compared to an average of 10% among ethnic minorities and immigrants in EU).<ref name=hatecrime/>

According to Estonian philosopher [[Jaan Kaplinski]], the birth of anti-Russian sentiment in Estonia dates back to 1940, as there was little or none during the [[Russian Empire|czarist]] and first independence period, when [[anti-German sentiment]] predominated. Kaplinski states the imposition of Soviet rule under [[Joseph Stalin]] in 1940 and subsequent [[Soviet deportations from Estonia|actions by Soviet authorities]] led to the replacement of anti-German sentiment with anti-Russian sentiment within just one year, and characterized it as "one of the greatest achievements of the Soviet authorities".<ref name="Subrenat2004">{{cite book|editor=Subrenat, Jean-Jacques|title=Estonia: Identity and Independence|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kBZlHdp7tdcC&pg=PA273|access-date=12 November 2016|date=2004|publisher=Rodopi|isbn=978-90-420-0890-8|page=273}}</ref> Kaplinski supposes that anti-Russian sentiment could disappear as quickly as anti-German sentiment did in 1940, however he believes the prevailing sentiment in Estonia is sustained by Estonia's politicians who employ "the use of anti-Russian sentiments in political combat," together with the "tendentious attitude of the [Estonian] media."<ref name="Subrenat2004"/> Kaplinski says that a "rigid East-West attitude is to be found to some degree in Estonia when it comes to Russia, in the form that everything good comes from the West and everything bad from the East";<ref name="Subrenat2004"/> this attitude, in Kaplinski's view, "probably does not date back further than 1940 and presumably originates from Nazi propaganda."<ref name="Subrenat2004"/>

===== Latvia =====
{{See also|Latvia–Russia relations|Russians in Latvia|Non-citizens (Latvia)}}
According to [[The Moscow Times]], Latvia's fears of Russia are rooted in recent history, including conflicting views on whether Latvia and other [[Baltic states]] were [[Occupation of the Baltic states|occupied by the USSR]] or [[Occupation of the Baltic states#Position of the Russian Federation|joined it voluntarily]], as well as the [[June deportation|1940–1941 June]] and [[Operation Priboi|1949 March deportations]] that followed and more recently the [[Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation|annexation of Crimea]] that fueled a fear that Latvia could also be annexed by Russia.<ref name="The Moscow Times">{{cite web|url=https://themoscowtimes.com/articles/latvias-russia-fears-rooted-in-history-47372|title=Latvia's Russia Fears Rooted in History|date=14 June 2015|publisher=[[The Moscow Times]]|access-date=1 July 2018}}</ref> [[Russian Americans|Russian-American]] journalist and broadcaster [[Vladimir Pozner Jr.|Vladimir Pozner]] believed the fact that many Russian migrants in the [[Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic|Latvian SSR]] did not learn [[Latvian language|Latvian]] and expected the local population to speak Russian also contributed to an accumulation of anti-Russian sentiment.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://theqpost.com/posner-explained-the-anti-russian-sentiment-in-latvia/56936|title=Posner explained the anti-Russian sentiment in Latvia|date=8 July 2018|publisher=The Quebec Post|access-date=8 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180709010144/https://theqpost.com/posner-explained-the-anti-russian-sentiment-in-latvia/56936|archive-date=9 July 2018|url-status=dead}}</ref>

No Russians have ever been killed or even wounded for political, nationalistic or racist reasons in Latvia ever since it regained its independence<ref>{{cite book|title=Human Rights and Democratization in Latvia. Implementation of the Helsinki Accords|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8UE_GDP2DbEC&pg=PA6|publisher=[[United States Congress]], Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe|year=1993|page=6|quote=Russian officials, including Yeltsin and Kozyrev, have even used the term "ethnic cleansing" to describe Latvian and Estonian policies, despite the total absence of inter-ethnic bloodshed.}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Rislakki|first=Jukka|author-link=Jukka Rislakki|year=2008|title=The Case for Latvia: Disinformation Campaigns Against a Small Nation |title-link=The Case for Latvia: Disinformation Campaigns Against a Small Nation|publisher=[[Rodopi (publisher)|Rodopi]]|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=yXANj6Y_7goC&pg=PA37 37]|isbn=978-90-420-2424-3|quote=Not a single Russian or Jew has ''ever'' been wounded or killed for political, nationalistic or racist reasons during the new independence of Latvia.}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Clemens|first=Walter C. Jr.|year=2001|place=[[Lanham, Maryland|Lanham]]|title=The Baltic Transformed: Complexity Theory and European Security|publisher=[[Rowman & Littlefield Publishers]]|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=yXANj6Y_7goC&pg=PA37 130]|isbn=978-08-476-9858-5|quote=But no one died in the Baltics in the 1990s from ethnic or other political fighting, except for those killed by Soviet troops in 1990–1991.}}</ref> and in a 2012 poll only 2% of the [[Russians in Latvia|Russian minority in Latvia]] reported having experienced a 'racially' motivated [[hate crime]] (as compared to an average of 10% among immigrants and minorities in EU).<ref name=hatecrime/> An earlier 2004 research "Ethnic tolerance and integration of the Latvian society" by the [[Baltic Institute of Social Sciences]] found that Latvian respondents on average rated their relations with Russians 7.8 out of 10, whereas non-Latvian respondents rated their relationship with Latvians 8.4 out of 10. Both groups believed that the ties between them were satisfactory, had not changed in the last five years and were to either remain the same or improve in the next five years. 66% of non-Russian respondents said they would also support their son or daughter marrying an ethnic Russian. Respondents did mention some [[ethnic conflict]]s, but all of them were classified as psycholinguistic such as verbal confrontations.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.biss.soc.lv/downloads/resources/tolerance/tolerance_engl.pdf|title=Ethnic tolerance and integration of the Latvian society|year=2004|publisher=Baltic Institute of Social Sciences|access-date=1 July 2018}}</ref>

Occasionally, Russians in Latvia have been targeted by anti-Russian rhetoric from some of the more radical members of both the mainstream and radical right parties in Latvia. In 2010, [[Civic Union (Latvia)|Civic Union]]'s internal e-mail correspondence between [[List of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Latvia|Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia]] [[Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis]] and Latvian American doctor and party member Aivars Slucis was leaked.<ref name="Wodak, Mral, Khosravinik">{{Cite book|last1=Wodak|first1=Ruth|last2=Mral|first2=Brigitte|last3=Khosravinik |first3=Majid|chapter=Comparing Radical-Right Populism in Estonia and Latvia|title=Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic|place=London/New York|year=2013|isbn=978-1-78093-245-3|page=242}}</ref> In one of the e-mails titled "Do Latvians Surrender?"<ref name="Baltic times">{{cite news|title=Standing by their man|url=https://www.baltictimes.com/news/articles/27322/|date=10 November 2010|publisher=[[The Baltic Times]] |access-date=1 July 2018}}</ref> Slucis complained of the current situation in Latvia and being unable to return and work in Latvia, because he would not be able to treat Russians in the same way as Latvians.<ref name="Baltic times"/><ref name="Slucis">{{cite web|first=Andris|last=Strautmanis|title=Doctor at center of political scandal faces repercussions in Minnesota |url=https://latviansonline.com/doctor-at-center-of-political-scandal-faces-repercussions-in-minnesota/|date=10 November 2010|website=Latvians Online |access-date=1 July 2018}}</ref> Kristovskis agreed with his opinion and evaluation,<ref name="Baltic times"/> but warned against hysterical responses, cautioning party members to avoid discussions counterproductive to the party's political goals. After the leak the Civic Union ousted Slucis from the party for views unacceptable to the party and returned his financial contributions, while the opposition parties [[Harmony Centre]] and [[For a Good Latvia]] initiated an unsuccessful [[Motion of no confidence|vote of no confidence]] against Kristovskis.<ref name="Slucis"/><ref name="Baltic times"/>

On the other hand, the results of a yearly poll by the research agency "SKDS" showed that the population of Latvia was more split on its attitude towards the [[Russia|Russian Federation]]. In 2008, 47 percent of respondents had a positive view of Russia and 33% had a negative one, while the remaining 20 percent found it hard to define their opinion. It peaked in 2010 when 64 percent of respondents felt positive towards Russia, in comparison with the 25 percent that felt negative. In 2015, following the [[annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation]], however, it dropped to the lowest level since 2008 and for the first time, the people with a negative attitude towards Russia (46%) surpassed people with a positive attitude (41%).<ref>{{cite web|url=https://themoscowtimes.com/news/latvians-negativity-toward-russia-reaches-7-year-high-50339|title=Latvians' Negativity Toward Russia Reaches 7-Year High|date=19 October 2015|publisher=[[The Moscow Times]]|access-date=1 July 2018}}</ref> 43.5 percent also believed Russia posed a military threat to Latvia and even in 2019 that number had decreased only slightly and stood at 37.3 percent.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://eng.lsm.lv/article/society/society/survey-latvians-slightly-less-apprehensive-about-russia-than-they-were.a312870/ |title=Survey: Latvians slightly less apprehensive about Russia than they were|date=15 March 2019|publisher=[[Public Broadcasting of Latvia]] |access-date=26 May 2019}}</ref>

===== Lithuania =====
{{See also|Lithuania–Russia relations|Russians in Lithuania}}

Due to historical experiences, there is a fear prevailed in Lithuania that Russia has never stopped wanting to consolidate power over the [[Baltic states|Baltics]], including fears of Russian plans for an eventual annexation of Lithuania as was seen in [[Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation|Crimea]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/apr/03/lithuania-fears-russian-propaganda-is-prelude-to-eventual-invasion|title=Lithuania fears Russian propaganda is prelude to eventual invasion|first1=Emma|last1=Graham-Harrison|first2=Daniel |last2=Boffey|date=3 April 2017|website=The Guardian}}</ref> There are also concerns over Russia's increasing military deployment, such as in the [[Federal subjects of Russia|Russian region of]] [[Kaliningrad]], an exclave of Russia bordering Lithuania.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://news.err.ee/681001/lithuania-russia-permanently-stationing-iskander-missiles-in-kaliningrad|title=Lithuania: Russia permanently stationing Iskander missiles in Kaliningrad|date=5 February 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.fox25boston.com/news/lithuania-russia-deploying-more-missiles-into-kaliningrad/694657732|title=Lithuania: Russia deploying more missiles into Kaliningrad|date=5 February 2018|access-date=19 March 2018|archive-date=19 March 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180319151648/http://www.fox25boston.com/news/lithuania-russia-deploying-more-missiles-into-kaliningrad/694657732|url-status=dead}}</ref>

====Eastern Europe====

=====Romania=====
{{See also|Romania–Russia relations}}
Anti-Russian sentiment dates back to the conflict between the Russian and Ottoman empires in the 18th and early 19th centuries and the ceding of part of the [[Bessarabia|Moldavian principality]] to Russia by the [[Ottoman Empire]] in 1812 after its ''de facto'' annexation, and to the annexations during World War II and after by the Soviet Union of [[Northern Bukovina]] and [[Bessarabia]] and the policies of ethnic cleansing, [[Russification]] and deportations that have taken place in those territories against ethnic Romanians. Following WWII, Romania, a former ally of [[Nazi Germany]], was occupied by Soviet forces. Soviet dominance over the Romanian economy was manifested through the so-called [[Sovroms]], exacting a tremendous economic toll ostensibly as war-time reparations.<ref>Olga Popescu: ''Ion Iliescu pentru presa rusa: [http://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-esential-6753081-ion-iliescu-pentru-presa-rusa-nu-stim-cine-tras-revolutie-este-enigma-probabil-fost-oameni-extrem-devotati-lui-ceausescu.htm Nu stim cine a tras la Revolutie, este o enigma. Probabil au fost oameni extrem de devotati lui Ceausescu"]''</ref><ref>George Roncea: [http://www.curentul.ro/2010/index.php/2010011138407/Actualitate/Realitatea-TV-ecoul-Moscovei-in-Romania-contra-lui-Basescu/Page-2.html Realitatea TV, ecoul Moscovei în România contra lui Băsescu] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110617120904/http://www.curentul.ro/2010/index.php/2010011138407/Actualitate/Realitatea-TV-ecoul-Moscovei-in-Romania-contra-lui-Basescu/Page-2.html |date=17 June 2011 }}</ref><ref>{{cite news|first=Liliana|last=Popa|url=http://www.financiarul.com/articol_38759/traian-basescu-tuna-impotriva-rusiei-dar-apropiatii--sai-obtin-contracte-grase-de-la-gazprom.html|title=Traian Basescu tuna impotriva Rusiei, dar apropiatii sai obtin contracte grase de la Gazprom|trans-title=Traian Basescu thunders against Russia, but his friends get fat contracts from Gazprom|language=ro|publisher=Fin.ro|date=22 January 2010|access-date=26 January 2010|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720013019/http://www.financiarul.com/articol_38759/traian-basescu-tuna-impotriva-rusiei-dar-apropiatii--sai-obtin-contracte-grase-de-la-gazprom.html|archive-date=20 July 2011}}</ref><ref>Dan Tapalaga: [http://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-opinii-5598180-cortina-vorbe-goale.htm Cortina de vorbe goale] {{in lang|ro}}</ref>

The emergence of anti-Russian sentiment in the [[Danubian Principalities]], the precursors to unified Romania which became independent of the [[Ottoman Empire]] with the 1829 [[Treaty of Adrianople (1829)|Treaty of Adrianople]] concluding the [[Russo-Turkish War (1828–29)|1828–1829 Russo-Turkish War]], arose from the post-1829 relationship of the [[Danubian Principalities]] of [[Wallachia]] and [[Moldavia]] to Russia, and was caused by mutually economic and political grievances of two influential classes that were often odds also with each other. As per the 1829 treaty, Russia was named the protector of the two principalities, allowed to occupy them, and also drafted a quasi-constitution known as the [[Organic Regulations]] which formed a powerful assembly of 800 [[boyar]]s (the local landowning economic elite) nominally under the authority of the less nominal prince, the document crafted with strong support from the boyars. The boyars, a "reactionary oligarchy" as described by Misha Glenny, stopped short any hint of liberal reform, and the growing urban elite began to associate Russia with the slow progress of reform and the obstacles they faced in building an industrial base. On the other hand, the boyars themselves began to sour on Russia during the 1830s and 1840s due to their economic conflict of interest with Russia. After the Ottomans withdrew from the three forts along the Danube basin, the boyars exploited the highly fertile land to drastically increase Romanian wheat production, such that eventually future Romania consisting of Wallachia unified with Moldavia would become the fourth-largest wheat producer in the world. Whereas before 1829 Wallachian and Moldavian wheat had been limited to Ottoman markets, Russia increasingly felt threatened by growing competition in its jurisdiction that it feared could drive down the price of Russian wheat. Accordingly, Russia exploited its role as protector of the Principalities to let the Danube silt up, sabotaging the possible market competitor. As a result of this as well as "Russian foot-dragging on the economy", the boyars too became increasingly resentful of Russian domination. The rapid erosion of public relations with Russia led to a revolution in 1848, in which the newly emerging Romanian intellectual and political class sought the help of the Ottomans, their old hegemon, to drive out Russian influence—although, after pressure applied by Russia, the Russian and Ottoman armies joined forces to squash the movement.<ref>Glenny, Misha (1999). ''The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers, 1804–1999''. Pages 60–63.</ref>

=====Ukraine=====
{{See also|Russo-Ukrainian War|Russia–Ukraine relations|Russians in Ukraine|Boycott Russian Films|Do not buy Russian goods!|De-Russification#Ukraine|2018 Moscow–Constantinople schism}}
In 2004, the leader of the marginal Svoboda party [[Oleh Tyahnybok]] urged his party to fight "the Moscow-Jewish mafia" ruling Ukraine.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20140129112651/http://www.thenation.com/article/178013/ukrainian-nationalism-heart-euromaidan The Ukrainian Nationalism at the Heart of ‘Euromaidan’], ''[[The Nation]]'' (21 January 2014)</ref> For these remarks Tyahnybok was expelled from the [[Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc|Our Ukraine]] parliamentary faction in July 2004.<ref>{{in lang|uk}} [http://photo.ukrinform.ua/ukr/rubrics/photo.php?id=297562 Олег Тягнибок] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210508105854/http://photo.ukrinform.ua/ukr/rubrics/photo.php?id=297562 |date=2021-05-08 }}, [[Ukrinform]]<br />[http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Bswords%5D=8fd5893941d69d0be3f378576261ae3e&tx_ttnews%5Bany_of_the_words%5D=Tyahnybok&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=26703&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=7&cHash=0a5d124110 Yushchenko Finally Gets Tough On Nationalists], [[The Jamestown Foundation]] (3 August 2004)</ref> The former coordinator of [[Right Sector]] in West Ukraine, [[Oleksandr Muzychko]] talked about fighting "communists, Jews and Russians for as long as blood flows in my veins."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://globalnews.ca/news/1194100/blind-eye-turned-to-influence-of-far-right-in-ukrainian-crisis-critics/|title=Blind eye turned to influence of far-right in Ukrainian crisis: critics|publisher=[[Global News]]|date=7 March 2014}}</ref>

In May 2009, a poll held by the [[Kyiv International Institute of Sociology]] in [[Ukraine]] said that 96% of respondents were positive about [[Russians]] as an ethnic group, 93% respected the [[Russian Federation]] and 76% respected the Russian establishment.<ref name="Levada">{{cite web|url=http://www.levada.ru/press/2009062305.html|title=Россияне об Украине, украинцы о России – Левада-Центр|trans-title=Russians about Ukraine, Ukrainians about Russia |publisher=[[Levada Center]]|access-date=5 April 2015|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090627092728/http://www.levada.ru/press/2009062305.html|archive-date=27 June 2009}}</ref>

In October 2010, statistics by the Institute of Sociology of the [[National Academy of Science of Ukraine]] said that positive attitudes towards Russians have been decreasing since 1994. In response to a question gauging tolerance of Russians, 15% of Western Ukrainians responded positively. In Central Ukraine, 30% responded positively (from 60% in 1994); 60% responded positively in Southern Ukraine (from 70% in 1994); and 64% responded positively in Eastern Ukraine (from 75% in 1994). Furthermore, 6–7% of Western Ukrainians would banish Russians entirely from Ukraine, and 7–8% in Central Ukraine responded similarly. This level of sentiment was not found in Southern or Eastern Ukraine.<ref name="zikios">{{cite web|title=Institute of Sociology: Love for Russians dwindling in Western Ukraine|url=http://zik.ua/en/news/2010/10/21/251581|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110809191915/http://zik.ua/en/news/2010/10/21/251581|archive-date=9 August 2011|publisher=zik|access-date=21 October 2010}}</ref>

The ultranationalist party [[Svoboda (political party)|Svoboda]] (once prominent, but now marginal),<ref name="cs">{{cite journal|url=http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0928/p04s02-woeu.html?page=2|title=Ukraine's orange-blue divide|author=|journal=The Christian Science Monitor|access-date=5 April 2015|date=28 September 2007}}</ref><ref name="kyivpost">{{cite news|first=Elisabeth|last=Sewall|url=http://www.ncsj.org/AuxPages/030106JTA_MAUP.shtml|title=David Duke makes repeat visit to controversial Kyiv university|publisher=Kyiv Post|date=16 November 2006 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080419120713/http://www.ncsj.org/AuxPages/030106JTA_MAUP.shtml |archive-date=19 April 2008}}</ref><ref>"Tiahnybok considers 'Svoboda' as the only right-wing party in Ukraine", ''Hazeta po-ukrainsky'', 6 August 2007. [http://gpu-ua.info/index.php?&id=176193&eid=422&lang=ru Russian edition] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081118220110/http://www.gpu-ua.info/index.php |date=18 November 2008 }}, [http://gazeta.ua/articles/politics-newspaper/_tyagnibok-vvazhaye-svobodu-yedinoyu-pravoyu-partiyeyu/176193 edition]</ref> has invoked radical anti-Russian rhetoric<ref>[http://www.icare.to/article.php?id=29727&lang=en UKRAINIAN Appeals to Anti-Semitism in Election Win] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304190013/http://www.icare.to/article.php?id=29727&lang=en |date=2016-03-04 }}, Internet Centre Anti-Racism Europe (4 November 2010)</ref> and has electoral support enough to garner majority support in local councils,<ref>{{in lang|uk}} [https://web.archive.org/web/20101108052245/http://www.bbc.co.uk/ukrainian/news/2010/11/101106_elex_sat_ok_is.shtml Вибори: тотальне домінування Партії регіонів] [Elections: total dominance of the Party of Regions], [[BBC Ukrainian]] (6 November 2010)</ref> as seen in the [[2009 Ternopil Oblast local election|Ternopil regional council]] in Western Ukraine.<ref name="TernopileleSvo">{{cite web| language=uk |url=http://www.umoloda.kiev.ua/number/1369/180/48272/ |work=[[Ukrayina Moloda]] |date=2009-03-17 |
trans-title=Mukachevo Syndrome |title=МУКАЧІВСЬКИЙ СИНДРОМ}}</ref> Analysts explained Svoboda's victory in [[Eastern Galicia]] during the [[2010 Ukrainian local elections]] as a result of the policies of the [[First Azarov government|Azarov Government]] who were seen as too [[pro-Russian]] by the voters of "Svoboda".<ref name="Svovic2010">[https://web.archive.org/web/20101114061336/http://www.kyivpost.com/news/politics/detail/89664/ Nationalist Svoboda scores election victories in western Ukraine], [[Kyiv Post]] (11 November 2010)</ref><ref>{{in lang|uk}} [https://web.archive.org/web/20101106125614/http://www.bbc.co.uk/ukrainian/news/2010/11/101104_svoboda_analysis_it.shtml Підсилення『Свободи』загрозою несвободи] [Strengthening Svoboda with the threat of non-freedom], [[BBC Ukrainian]] (4 November 2010)</ref> According to [[Andreas Umland]], [[Senior Lecturer]] in [[Political Science]] at the [[National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy]],<ref>[http://www.kyivpost.com/news/business/bus_move/detail/84549/ On the move: Andreas Umland, Kyiv – Mohyla Academy], [[Kyiv Post]] (30 September 2010)</ref> Svoboda's increasing exposure in the [[Ukrainian media]] has contributed to these successes.<ref>[http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/andreas-umland/ukraine-right-wing-politics-is-genie-out-of-bottle Ukraine right-wing politics: is the genie out of the bottle?] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171014083516/http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/andreas-umland/ukraine-right-wing-politics-is-genie-out-of-bottle |date=2017-10-14 }}, [[openDemocracy.net]] (3 January 2011)</ref> According to British academic [[Taras Kuzio]] the presidency of [[Viktor Yanukovich]] (2010–2014) fabricated this exposure in order to discredit the opposition.<ref name="Kuzio2015">{{cite book|author-link=Taras Kuzio|last=Kuzio|first=Taras|title=Ukraine: Democratization, Corruption, and the New Russian Imperialism: Democratization, Corruption, and the New Russian Imperialism|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CqXACQAAQBAJ&pg=PA183|date=23 June 2015|publisher=[[ABC-CLIO]]|isbn=978-1-4408-3503-2|page=183}}</ref> Since the [[Euromaidan]] revolution, the Svoboda party lost a lot of its support. In the [[2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election]] Svoboda formed a united party list with the [[Governmental Initiative of Yarosh]], [[Right Sector]] and [[National Corps]].<ref name="vibori-600508">{{in lang|uk}} [https://m.glavcom.ua/country/politics/yarosh-tyagnibok-bileckiy-taki-sformuvali-jediniy-spisok-na-vibori-600508.html Yarosh, Tyagnibok and Biletsky have all formed a single list for the elections (''Ярош, Тягнибок та Білецький таки сформували єдиний список на вибори'')], [[Glavcom]] (9 June 2019)</ref> The united list received only 2.15% of the votes, less than half of the 5% election threshold, and thus no parliamentary seats via the national party list.<ref name="formerMP2748306">[https://www.ukrinform.net/rubric-elections/2748306-cec-counts-100-percent-of-vote-in-ukraines-parliamentary-elections.html CEC counts 100 percent of vote in Ukraine's parliamentary elections], [[Ukrinform]] (26 July 2019)<br />{{in lang|ru}} [https://www.pravda.com.ua/rus/articles/2019/07/21/7221526/ Results of the extraordinary elections of the People's Deputies of Ukraine 2019], [[Ukrayinska Pravda]] (21 July 2019)</ref>

According to the Brookings Institution after Ukraine regained its independence, only a small minority of nationalists expressed strong anti-Russian views; the majority hoped to have good relations with Russia. In 2014, after the Russian annexation of Crimea, the attitude to Russia changed sharply. In April 2017, a poll by [[Sociological group "RATING"]] found that 57% of respondents expressed a "very cold" or "cold" attitude toward Russia while 17% expressed a "very warm" or "warm" attitude.<ref>[https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2017/10/18/how-ukraine-views-russia-and-the-west/ How Ukraine views Russia and the West], [[Brookings Institution]] (18 October 2017)</ref> In February 2019, 77% of Ukrainians had a positive attitude towards [[Russians]], 57% of Ukrainians had a positive view of Russia, but only 13% of Ukrainians had positive attitude towards the Russian government.<ref>{{cite news |title=Attitude of the population of Ukraine to Russia and the population of Russia to Ukraine, February 2021 |url=http://kiis.com.ua/?lang=eng&cat=reports&id=1015&page=1 |work=[[Kyiv International Institute of Sociology]] |date=2 March 2021}}</ref> Sentiments due to the [[2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine|2022 war]] have declined enormously. In March 2022, 97% of Ukrainians said they had an unfavourable view of Russian President Putin, with a further 81% saying they had a very unfavourable or somewhat unfavourable view of the Russian people. However, 65% of Ukrainians agreed that "despite our differences there is more that unites ethnic Russians living in Ukraine and Ukrainians than divides us."<ref>{{cite news |title=Ukrainians want to stay and fight, but don't see Russian people as the enemy. A remarkable poll from Kyiv |url=https://www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org/commentary/ukrainians-want-to-stay-and-fight-but-dont-see-russian-people-as-the-enemy-a-remarkable-poll-from-kyiv/ |work=[[European Leadership Network]] |date=14 March 2022}}</ref> Ukrainian officials are working to rid the country's cities of streets named after Russian historical figures like [[Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky|Tchaikovsky]] or [[Leo Tolstoy|Tolstoy]].<ref name="GoodbyeTchaikovsky">{{cite news |title=Goodbye, Tchaikovsky and Tolstoy: Ukrainians look to 'decolonize' their streets |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/07/world/europe/ukraine-russia-rename-streets.html |work=The New York Times |date=7 June 2022}}</ref> According to historian at the [[Ivan Franko National University]] of [[Lviv]] {{ill|Vasyl Kmet|uk|Кметь Василь Федорович}}, this is being done to undo the [[Russian propaganda]]『of the so-called [[Russkiy Mir]] — the [[Geographical distribution of Russian speakers|Russian-speaking world]]』by creating "a powerful alternative, a modern Ukrainian national discourse.”<ref name="GoodbyeTchaikovsky"/>

====Central Europe====
=====Czech Republic=====
[[File:Museum of communism in prague 2008-08-06.jpg|thumb|upright=0.8|A caricature of a Russian traditional [[matryoshka doll]] as a negative symbol of communism; [[Prague]], Czech Republic.]]
{{see also|Czech Republic–Russia relations}}
Russia remains continuously among the most negatively perceived countries among Czechs in polls conducted since 1991, and just 26% of Czechs responded that they had a positive opinion about Russia in November 2016.<ref>{{cite web|author=Milan Tuček|url=https://cvvm.soc.cas.cz/media/com_form2content/documents/c2/a2139/f9/pm170105.pdf|title=Sympatie české veřejnosti k některým zemím – listopad 2016|trans-title=Sympathy of the Czech public towards certain countries - November 2016|language=cs|website=CVVM|date=5 January 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/07/world/europe/07iht-czech.html|title=In Eastern Europe, Pact With Russians Raises Old Specters|date=7 April 2010|work=The New York Times}}</ref><ref>[http://blisty.cz/art/39166.html "Rusové přicházejí!"] (the title is the popular phrase "[[The Russians are coming]]!"), Oskar Krejčí, 26 February 2008</ref>

According to writer Tim Nollen in 2008, Russians in Czechia were almost universally disliked as a people due in part to the presence of [[Russian mafia|Russian mafiosi]], as well as the "arrogant hordes of Russian visitors that descend upon [[Prague]] and the Spas in [[Karlovy Vary Region|Karlovy Vary]]".<ref>{{Cite book|last=Nollen|first=Tim|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zROJAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA65|title=CultureShock! Czech Republic: A Survival Guide to Customs and Etiquette|date=15 September 2008|publisher=[[Marshall Cavendish International Asia Pte Ltd]]|isbn=978-981-4435-63-5|pages=65|language=en}}</ref>

Following the start of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, anti-Russian tensions rose in the country.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2022-02-28|title=Amid war in Ukraine, Czechia sees a worrying rise in Russophobia|url=https://www.expats.cz/czech-news/article/amid-war-in-ukraine-czechia-sees-a-worrying-rise-in-russophobia |access-date=2022-06-03|website=www.expats.cz|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=2022-03-09|title=The Increasing "Russophobia" in the Czech Republic|url=https://www.praguemorning.cz/russophobia-czech-republic/ |access-date=2022-06-03|website=Prague Morning|language=en-US}}</ref> Martin Dlouhý, a professor at the [[Prague University of Economics and Business]], wrote on Facebook on February 24 that he would not conduct, test, or correct the final thesis of Russian students “due to conscience and moral principles”; but deleted the post after a strong backlash.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2022-02-25|title=Professor at Prague University of Economics Refuses to Teach Russian Students|url=https://www.praguemorning.cz/professor-at-prague-university-of-economics-refuses-to-teach-russian-students/ |access-date=2022-06-03|website=Prague Morning|language=en-US}}</ref> Violence in elementary schools prompted attack by students on their ethnic Russian classmates, prompting a condemnation by Prime Minister [[Petr Fiala]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=EuroZprávy.cz|title=Fiala odsoudil útoky vůči ruským občanům, zejména dětem, žijícím v tuzemsku {{!}} EuroZprávy.cz |trans-title=Fiala condemned attacks against Russian citizens, especially children, living in the country|url=https://eurozpravy.cz/domaci/politika/fiala-odsoudil-utoky-vuci-ruskym-obcanum-zejmena-detem-zijicim-v-tuzemsku.fb80c643/ |access-date=2022-06-03 |website=eurozpravy.cz |language=cs}}</ref> Many Czech shops and restaurants put up signs saying that Russians and Belarusians were not allowed.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/03/07/antirussian-hate-putin-europe/ |title=Anti-Russian hate in Europe is making chefs and school children out to be enemies|first1=Karla|last1=Adam|first2=Ladka|last2=Bauerova |first3=Dan|last3=Rosenzweig-Ziff|first4=Stefano|last4=Pitrelli|date=March 7, 2022|newspaper=[[The Washington Post]]}}</ref>

=====Poland=====
{{See also|Poland–Russia relations|Polish–Russian Wars}}

In 2005, ''[[The New York Times]]'' reported after the Polish daily ''[[Gazeta Wyborcza]]'' that "relations between the nations are as bad as they have been since the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989."<ref>{{cite web|first=Richard|last=Bernstein |url=http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/07/03/news/poland.php|title=For Poland and Russia, old enmity persists|date=4 July 2005|work=The New York Times |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050802113249/http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/07/03/news/poland.php|archive-date=2 August 2005}}</ref> Jakub Boratyński, the director of international programs at the independent Polish [[think tank]] [[Stefan Batory Foundation]], said in 2005 that anti-Russian feelings have substantially decreased since Poland joined the [[European Union|EU]] and [[NATO]], and that Poles feel more secure than before, but he also admitted that many people in Poland still look suspiciously at Russian foreign-policy moves and are afraid Russia is seeking to "recreate an empire in a different form."<ref name="RFE Warsaw"/> According to Boris Makarenko, deputy director of the Moscow-based think tank Center for Political Technologies, much of the modern anti-Russian feelings in Poland is caused by grievances of the past.<ref name="RFE Warsaw">Radio Free Europe. Eastern Europe: [https://web.archive.org/web/20050816041343/http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/08/8b87a178-6993-48f7-b7e3-f7b9701b49fc.html Russian-Polish Tensions Rise Over Attack On Russian Children In Warsaw], by Valentinas Mite. 3 August 2005; last accessed on 14 July 2007</ref> One contentious issue is the [[Katyn massacre]] in 1940 as well as the Stalinist-era ethnic-cleansing operations including the deportation of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Poles, even though the Russian government has officially acknowledged and apologized for the atrocity.<ref>The Saint Petersburg Times. Lingering Bitterness Over 9 May. 26 April 2005. [http://www.sptimes.ru/index.php?action_id=2&story_id=3381 retrieved on 14 July 2007]</ref>

According to a 2013 [[BBC World Service]] poll, 19% of Poles viewed Russia's influence positively, with 49% expressing a negative view.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.globescan.com/images/images/pressreleases/bbc2013_country_ratings/2013_country_rating_poll_bbc_globescan.pdf|title=BBC 2013 World Service Poll: Views of China and India Slide While UK's Ratings Climb: Global Poll|work=[[BBC]]|date=22 May 2013|access-date=20 October 2016|archive-date=10 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151010192245/http://www.globescan.com/images/images/pressreleases/bbc2013_country_ratings/2013_country_rating_poll_bbc_globescan.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> According to a ''[[Gazeta.pl]]'' report in 2019, some Polish hoteliers disliked Russian guests,<ref>{{Cite web|last=Ewa Jankowska|date=August 5, 2019|title=New tourists from abroad visit Poland. Norwegians, Chinese, Saudi sheikhs|url=https://weekend.gazeta.pl/weekend/7,152121,25052426,nowi-turysci-zza-granicy-odwiedzaja-polske-norwegowie-chinczycy.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200119220855/http://weekend.gazeta.pl/weekend/1,152121,25052426,nowi-turysci-zza-granicy-odwiedzaja-polske-norwegowie-chinczycy.html |archive-date=January 19, 2020|website=[[Gazeta.pl]]|language=pl}}</ref> and the vice president of Poland's Chamber of Tourism admitted back in 2014 that some private guesthouses were rejecting Russian tourists.<ref>{{Cite web|date=July 23, 2014|title=Rosjanie (nie)mile widziani w Polsce?『Polacy z natury są bardzo tolerancyjni』|trans-title=Russians (not) welcome in Poland? "Poles by nature are very tolerant".|url=https://tvn24.pl/biznes/najnowsze/rosjanie-niemile-widziani-w-polsce-polacy-z-natury-sa-bardzo-tolerancyjni-ra452476-4445244|website=[[TVN24]]|language=pl}}</ref>

=====Hungary=====
{{See also|Hungary–Russia relations|Hungarian Revolution of 1848|Hungarian Revolution of 1956}}
Hungary's relations with Russia are shadowed by the [[Hungarian Revolution of 1848]] which was crushed with the help of Russian troops<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.5percangol.hu/temakorok_/angol-the-hungarian-revolution-and-war-of-independence-of-1848-1849|title=The Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1848–1849|website=www.5percangol.hu|date=14 March 2021 }}</ref> as well the [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956]] which was brutally crushed by the Red Army and was followed by the mass arrest and imprisonment of Hungarians.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.boell.de/en/2016/10/21/introduction-1956-hungarian-uprising|title=Introduction: The 1956 Hungarian uprising|website=Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://m.mult-kor.hu/ver-es-megtorlas-1849-ben-igy-jutottunk-el-a-szabadsagharc-tragediajaig-20201006|title=Vér és megtorlás 1849-ben: így jutottunk el a szabadságharc tragédiájáig|trans-title=Blood and retribution in 1849: how we arrived at the tragedy of the War of Independence|last=Szelke|first=László|date=6 October 2020|website=multkor.hu|publisher=Múlt-kor történelmi magazin}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.rubicon.hu/magyar/oldalak/orosz_fogsag_hadifoglyok_kenyszermunkasok_politikai_eliteltek|title=Orosz fogság. Hadifoglyok, kényszermunkások, politikai elítéltek|trans-title=Russian captivity. Prisoners of war, forced labourers, political prisoners|author=<!--Not stated-->|website=rubicon.hu|publisher=Rubicon Kiadó}}</ref> The current government of [[Viktor Orbán]] is seen as friendlier toward Russia.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.direkt36.hu/en/ket-orosz-fegyverkereskedot-csaltak-torbe-magyarorszagon-amerikai-ugynokok-de-az-orban-kormany-moszkvanak-adta-oket/|title=Lord of War in Budapest: The DEA busted two Russian arms dealers, and Hungary extradited them to Moscow|first=Panyi|last=Szabolcs|date=23 November 2018}}</ref> According to a 2019 survey by [[Pew Research Center|Pew Research]], 3% of Hungarian respondents had a favourable opinion of Russia, 32% had a somewhat favourable opinion, 31% had a somewhat unfavourable opinion and 16% had a very unfavourable opinion.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Views-of-Russia-Topline-for-Release_UPDATED.pdf|title=Pew Research Center, Spring 2019 Global Attitudes Survey, February 7, 2020 Release|website=Pew Research|date=7 February 2020}}</ref>

====Northern Europe====

=====Norway=====
{{See also|Norway–Russia relations}}
Norway's diplomatic and cultural ties with the West have complicated continuing relations with Russia.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1jJpAAAAMAAJ|title=Between "russophobia" and "bridge-building": the Norwegian government and the Soviet Union, 1940–1945|first1=Sven G.|last1=Holtsmark |date=22 September 1988|publisher=Institutt for forsvarsstudier |via=Google Books}}</ref> A 2017 poll of Norwegians found that 58% believe that Vladimir Putin and Russia pose a security threat.<ref name="The Nordic Page 2017">{{cite web |title=Norwegians Believe Vladimir Putin Is Threat to World Peace|website=The Nordic Page |date=18 July 2017 |url=https://www.tnp.no/norway/politics/norway-norwegians-believe-russia-vladimir-putin-threat-world-peace |access-date=20 November 2018}}</ref>

Russian officials escalated the tensions. A Russian deputy foreign minister stated in Oslo that Russia views the October [[Exercise Trident Juncture 2018|2018 Trident Juncture NATO military exercises]] in Norway to be "anti-Russian" in nature.<ref name="Wapo Trident">{{cite web |last1=Clem|first1=Ralph |title=Today, NATO begins a huge military exercise. Here's what you need to know. |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/|website=Washingtonpost.com |publisher=Amazon |access-date=17 November 2018}}</ref><ref name="Trident Juncture">{{cite news|last1=Luhn|first1=Alec |date=25 October 2018|title=Nato holds biggest exercises since Cold War to counter Russia's growing presence around the Arctic |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/10/25/nato-holds-biggest-exercises-since-cold-war-counter-russia-arctic/ |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220112/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/10/25/nato-holds-biggest-exercises-since-cold-war-counter-russia-arctic/ |archive-date=12 January 2022 |url-access=subscription |url-status=live|newspaper=The Telegraph |access-date=17 November 2018}}{{cbignore}}</ref> Russian expansion in the Arctic has contributed to increasing mutual distrust between Russia and Norway.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/13/troubled-waters-norway-keeps-watch-on-russias-arctic-manoeuvres |title=Troubled waters: Norway keeps watch on Russia's Arctic manoeuvres |first=Patrick|last=Wintour|date=13 March 2017|website=The Guardian}}</ref> Norway's perceptions of Russian militarism and regional antagonism, as well as Norway's hosting of the [[United States Marine Corps|US Marine Corps]] in the country, have contributed to the deterioration of relations between Norway and Russia.<ref name="Trident Juncture"/><ref>{{cite news |last1=Knudsen |first1=Camilla|title=Russia vows consequences after Norway invites more U.S. Marines|date=17 November 2018 |newspaper=Reuters |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-argentina-submarine/argentine-navy-submarine-found-a-year-after-disappearing-with-44-aboard-idUSKCN1NM08B |agency=Thomson Reuters}}</ref>

=====Finland=====
{{See also|Russians in Finland#Manifestations of intolerance|Finland–Russia relations}}
[[File:Suomineito.jpg|right|upright=0.8|thumb|[[Edvard Isto]]'s painting ''Attack'' (1899) symbolizes the beginning of [[Russification of Finland|Finland's Russification]]. The [[two-headed eagle]] of Russia is tearing away the law book from the [[Finnish Maiden]]'s arms.]]
In Finland, anti-Russian sentiment has been studied since the 1970s. The history of anti-Russian sentiment has two main theories. One of them claims that Finns and Russians have been archenemies throughout history. The position is considered to have been dominated at least the 1700s since the days of the [[Greater Wrath]]. This view largely assumes that through the centuries, "Russia is a violent slayer and Finland is an innocent, virginal victim".
Another, perhaps a more plausible view, holds that idea of Russia as the archenemy was only invented during the early years of independence for the purposes of building the national identity.<ref>{{cite web|editor=Osmo Kuusi|editor2=Hanna Smith|editor3=Paula Tiihonen|title=Venäjä 2017: Kolme skenaariota|url=http://web.eduskunta.fi/dman/Document.phx?documentId=fc13607155759048&cmd=download|publisher=Eduskunnan tulevaisuusvaliokunta |access-date=15 February 2008|language=fi |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130520190413/http://web.eduskunta.fi/dman/Document.phx?documentId=fc13607155759048&cmd=download |archive-date=20 May 2013 |url-status=dead}}</ref>

The [[Finnish Civil War]] in 1918 between the Reds and the Whites—won by the Whites—left behind a popular wave of anti-Russian and anti-Communist feelings in Finland.<ref>{{cite book|author=Jussi M. Hanhimäki|title=Containing Coexistence: America, Russia, and the "Finnish Solution"|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OWfudYWUOt0C&pg=PA4|year=1997|publisher=Kent State UP|page=4|isbn=9780873385589}}</ref> [[Vyborg massacre|Hundreds of ethnic Russians were executed in 1918]] in the city of [[Vyborg]].<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2xCJBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA166|title=The Finnish Civil War 1918: History, Memory, Legacy|date=2014-08-14|publisher=BRILL|isbn=978-90-04-28071-7|page=166|language=en}}</ref>

According to polls in 2004, 62% of Finnish citizens had a negative view of Russia.<ref name="HelsSan"/> In a 2012 poll, 12% of Russian immigrants in Finland reported that they had experienced a racially motivated hate crime (as compared to an average of 10% of immigrants in the EU).<ref name=hatecrime/> A 2012 report by the [[Ministry of Employment and the Economy]] said that job applicants with Russian or Russian-sounding names tended to have to send in twice the amount of applications as an applicant with a Finnish name.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Viimaranta|first1=Hannes|last2=Protassova|first2=Ekaterina|last3=Mustajoki|first3=Arto|date=2019-02-11|title=Russian-Speakers in Finland|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/receo1.494.0095|journal=Revue d'études comparatives Est-Ouest|volume=4|issue=4|pages=95–128|doi=10.3917/receo1.494.0095|issn=0338-0599}}</ref>

====Western Europe====
=====France=====
{{See also|France–Russia relations}}
In the mid 18th century [[Voltaire]] gave French intellectuals a positive image, portraying Russia as an opportunity society, in which an all-powerful leaders such as Peter the Great could create a rational and enlightened society by decree. On the other hand, equally influential French enlightenment writers especially [[Denis Diderot]] portrayed Russia in dark colours, emphasizing the lack of an enlightenment tradition or a middle class, and a propensity toward harsh dictatorship.<ref>Ezequiel Adamovsky, Euro-orientalism: Liberal Ideology and the Image of Russia in France (c. 1740–1880) (Peter Lang, 2006) pp. 36, 83</ref><ref>Michael Confino, "Re-inventing the Enlightenment: western images of eastern realities in the eighteenth century." ''Canadian Slavonic Papers'' 36.3–4 (1994): 505–522.</ref>

Relations between France and Russian during the 19th century oscillated between one of relative friendship to open conflict. French Emperor [[Napoleon]] established a [[military alliance]] with Russia, before [[French invasion of Russia|unsuccessfully launching an invasion of the country]] in 1812 over Russia's refusal to abide by the [[Continental System]]. Russophobia in France grew during the 1830s over Russia's suppression of the [[November Uprising]] in [[Congress Poland|Poland]], with the French public fearing the expansion of a militarily strong "[[Asia]]tic" power into Europe. This national mood of Russophobia created support in France for [[Crimean War|going to war with Russia in 1854]].<ref>{{cite journal|last1=McNally|first1=T.|year=1958|title=The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812 – 1830|journal=American Slavic and East European Review|volume=17|issue=2|pages=173–189|doi=10.2307/3004165|jstor=3004165}}</ref><ref>On the "Tatar" theme see Ezequiel Adamovsky, ''Euro-orientalism: Liberal Ideology and the Image of Russia in France (c. 1740-1880)'' (Peter Lang, 2006).</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Иностранцы против России|trans-title=Foreigners Against Russia|url=https://arzamas.academy/materials/171|website=arzamas.academy|publisher=[[Arzamas (website)|Arzamas]] |access-date=10 December 2020|language=ru}}</ref> [[Fyodor Dostoyevsky]] noted in ''A Writer's Diary'' (1873–1876):<blockquote>Europeans do not trust appearances: “''Grattez le russe et vous verrez le tartare''”, they say (scratch a Russian and you'll find a [[Tatars|Tatar]]). That may be true, but this is what occurred to me: do the majority of Russians, in their dealings with Europe, join the extreme left because they are Tatars and have the savage's love of destruction, or are they, perhaps, moved by other reasons?"<ref>{{cite web|title=Fyodor Dostoyevsky "My Paradox" (Extract)|url=https://russianuniverse.org/2015/04/16/my-paradox/|website=russianuniverse.org|date=16 April 2015|access-date=15 December 2020}}{{Dead link|date=September 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}{{cite web|title=7 aphorisms that are essential to understanding Russian civilization|url=https://www.rbth.com/arts/2017/06/19/7-aphorisms-to-understand-russia_785447 |website=rbth.com|publisher=[[Russia Beyond]]|access-date=15 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200920042457/https://www.rbth.com/arts/2017/06/19/7-aphorisms-to-understand-russia_785447|archive-date=2020-09-20|date=June 19, 2017|quote=Grattez, they would say, lе russе еt vouz vеrrеz lе tartаrе, and so it continues still. We have become part of a proverb for them.}}</ref></blockquote>

According to a 2017 [[Pew Global Attitudes Project]] survey, 36% of French people have a favorable view of Russia, with 62% expressing an unfavorable view.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.pewglobal.org/2017/08/16/publics-worldwide-unfavorable-toward-putin-russia/|title=Publics Worldwide Unfavorable Toward Putin, Russia|publisher=Pew Research Center|date=30 November 2017}}</ref> In return numerous French scholars and politics argue that France had a longstanding positive opinion about Russia and regret that France from the late 2000s tends to follow American positions against Russia blindly.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.tdg.ch/monde/chevenement-denonce-russophobie-ambiante/story/23200714 |title=Chevènement dénonce la "russophobie" ambiante|first=Alain|last=Jourdan|newspaper=Tribune de Genève|date=11 September 2016|via=www.tdg.ch}}</ref>{{original research inline|date=December 2020}}

=====United Kingdom=====
{{See also|Russia–United Kingdom relations|Russian interference in British politics}}
[[File:Satirical map of Europe, 1877.jpg|thumb|upright=1.15|''The Russian menace'', a British cartoon from 1877 showing Russia as an [[octopus]] devouring neighboring lands, especially the [[Ottoman Empire]].]]

Though [[Russia–United Kingdom relations|Anglo-Russian relations]] were traditionally warm from the 16th to the 18th century, by the beginning of the 19th century Russophobia started to appear in the media.<ref>John Howes Gleason, The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain: A Study of the Interaction of Policy and Opinion, 1971, [https://www.questia.com/read/3495941/the-genesis-of-russophobia-in-great-britain-a-study p.1] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181230233826/https://www.questia.com/read/3495941/the-genesis-of-russophobia-in-great-britain-a-study |date=2018-12-30 }}</ref> Depictions of Russia by British travel writers and newspaper correspondents described the country "as a semi-barbaric and despotic country", an image which ingrained itself in the British public consciousness as such depictions were frequently published in the [[Mass media in the United Kingdom|British media]]; these depictions had the effect of increasing Russophobia in Britain despite growing economic and political ties between the two countries.<ref>{{cite journal|author=Iwona Sakowicz |title=Russia and the Russians: opinions of the British press during the reign of Alexander II (dailies and weeklies) |journal=[[Journal of European Studies]] |volume=35|issue=3 |year=2005 |pages=271–282|doi=10.1177/0047244105055103|s2cid=154796136 }}</ref> The [[Russian conquest of Central Asia]] was perceived in Britain as being a precursor to an attack on [[British Raj|British India]] and led to the "[[Great Game]]", while the [[Crimean War]] between the two countries in 1853–1856 deepened Russophobia in Britain.<ref name="cain">{{Citation|title=Bram Stoker and Russophobia: Evidence of the British Fear of Russia in Dracula and The Lady of the Shroud|author=Jimmie E. Cain Jr.|isbn=978-0-7864-2407-8|publisher=McFarland & Co Inc., U.S.|date=15 May 2006}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=December 2018}}

In 1874, tension lessened as [[Queen Victoria]]'s second son [[Alfred, Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha|Prince Alfred]] married [[Alexander II of Russia|Tsar Alexander II]]'s only daughter [[Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna of Russia|Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna]], followed by a state visit to Britain by the tsar. The goodwill lasted no more than three years, when structural forces again pushed the two nations to the verge of war, leading to a re-emergence of Russophobia in Britain.<ref>{{cite book|author=Sir [[Sidney Lee]]|title=Queen Victoria|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bh03AAAAYAAJ&pg=PA421|year=1903|page=421}}</ref> Large outbursts of Russophobia in Britain typically occurred during periods of tense political standoffs, such as the 1904 [[Dogger Bank incident]], when the [[Baltic Fleet]] of the [[Imperial Russian Navy]] attacked a group of British [[fishing trawler]]s in the mistaken belief they were [[Imperial Japanese Navy|Japanese warships]]; outrage in Britain led to the Russian government paying compensation to the fishermen involved.<ref>Peter Hopkirk. ''The Great Game'', Kodansha International, 1992, pg.38 {{ISBN|4-7700-1703-0}}</ref>

British Russophobia also manifested itself in popular literature of the period; [[Bram Stoker]]'s ''[[Dracula]]'' has been seen by some historians as depicting an allegorical narrative in which the [[Count Dracula|eponymous character]] (representing [[Imperial Russia]]) is "destroyed by warriors pledged to [[the Crown]]."<ref name="cain"/>{{Page needed|date=December 2018}} However, by the tail end of the 19th century, Russophobia in Britain subsided somewhat as [[Russian literature]], including works written by authors such as [[Leo Tolstoy]] and [[Fyodor Dostoevsky]] began to gain a level of popularity in Britain; positive views of the Russian peasantry also started to appear in British writing during this period.<ref>Martin Malia, Russia Under Western Eyes (Boston: Harvard University Press, 2000) {{doi|10.7249/RR2539}} {{ISBN|978-1-9774-0199-1}}</ref>

A May 2021 [[YouGov]] poll had 73% of British respondents expressing an unfavourable view of Russia, with no other country more negatively viewed in the UK except for [[Iran]] at 74% unfavourability.<ref>{{Cite web|date=May 25, 2021|title=YouGov / Eurotrack Survey Results |url=https://docs.cdn.yougov.com/3ce71typvy/Eurotrack_May21_Topline_Favourability_Israel.pdf|website=[[YouGov]]}}</ref> Russian people in the UK, however, generally didn't encounter harassment or infringement of their rights based on nationality or ethnicity until 2022.<ref name="mfa22rights">{{cite web |title=On Violations of the Rights of Russian Citizens and Fellow Citizens in Foreign Countries |url=https://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/humanitarian_cooperation/1815559/?lang=en |website=[[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Russia)|MFA Russia]] |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220817013542/https://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/humanitarian_cooperation/1815559/?lang=en |archive-date=2022-08-17 |date=14 June 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>

Some Russians in the UK have reported experiences of local hostility after Russia's invasion of Ukraine.<ref name=":2">{{Cite news|last=Jack|first=Andrew|date=2022-03-08|title='This is Putin's fault': Russian diaspora feels growing distress over Ukraine war|work=[[Financial Times]]|url=https://www.ft.com/content/829b3108-b6ff-4c9f-ab34-868f0b1e3ed9 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220422063939/https://www.ft.com/content/829b3108-b6ff-4c9f-ab34-868f0b1e3ed9 |archive-date=2022-04-22}}</ref> [[Conservative Party (<span class="ltr">UK</span>)|Conservative]] MP [[Roger Gale]] called for all Russian nationals to be expelled from the country.<ref>{{Cite magazine|title=Ukraine Crisis Spurs Anti-Russian Hate Around the World|url=https://time.com/6156582/ukraine-anti-russian-hate/ |access-date=2022-06-03|magazine=Time|language=en}}</ref> Gale acknowledged that most Russians in the UK were not a threat to national security, he believed it was necessary to "send a very harsh message through the Russian people to Putin."<ref name=":1">{{Cite web|date=2022-02-28|title=Tory MP says every Russian living in Britain should be 'sent home'|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/russia-citizens-visa-uk-roger-gale-b2024940.html |access-date=2022-06-03|website=The Independent|language=en}}</ref> MP [[Tom Tugendhat]] also suggested in one occasion that Russian citizens should be expelled from the country.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Britain could expel all Russian citizens from the UK, senior Conservative MP says |url=https://ca.news.yahoo.com/uk-urged-to-expel-russian-citizens-194140502.html |access-date=2022-06-03|website=ca.news.yahoo.com|date=24 February 2022 |language=en-CA}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=O’Neill|first=Brendan|title=Tom Tugendhat and the worrying rise of Russophobia {{!}} The Spectator |url=https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/tom-tugendhat-and-the-worrying-rise-of-russophobia |access-date=2022-06-03 |website=www.spectator.co.uk |date=25 February 2022 |language=en}}</ref><ref name=":1" /> [[Evgeny Lebedev]], a Russian-born British businessman, claimed that businesses and institutions declined to collaborate with the [[Evening Standard]] newspaper, which he owns, amid the war in Ukraine, citing anti-Russian sentiment.<ref>{{cite web |title=Russian-born Press Baron Decries UK 'Russophobia' |url=https://www.barrons.com/news/russian-born-press-baron-decries-uk-russophobia-fbf0b616 |website=Agence France Presse |publisher=Barrons.com |date=27 July 2023}}</ref> [[Poole]]-born [[Alexandra Tolstoy]] had her account closed by [[NatWest]], which she suspected to have happened because of her Russian name.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Bourne |first1=Alice |title='I don't know if it's because I have a Russian name': British aristocrat says her bank account was unexplainably closed |url=https://www.lbc.co.uk/radio/presenters/nick-ferrari/british-aristocrat-says-bank-account-closed-unexpectedly/ |website=LBC |language=en |date=5 July 2023}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Johnston |first1=Neil |title=Alexandra Tolstoy: 'NatWest closed my accounts, but never told me why' |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2023/07/04/alexandra-tolstoy-natwest-closed-bank-accounts-no-reason/ |website=The Telegraph |archive-url=https://archive.today/20230704193331/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2023/07/04/alexandra-tolstoy-natwest-closed-bank-accounts-no-reason/ |archive-date=4 July 2023 |date=4 July 2023 |url-status=live}}</ref>

===North America===
A [[National Hockey League]] agent who works with most of the Russian and Belarusian players in the league has claimed that since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, many of his clients have faced extreme harassment because of their nationality and high prominence, including [[xenophobia]] and death threats, as have those Russians and Belarusians who play in other professional North American leagues.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Goldberg|first1=Rob|title=NHL Agent: Russian Clients Harassed to 'Disturbing Levels' After Ukraine Invasion |url=https://bleacherreport.com/articles/10028374-nhl-agent-russian-clients-harassed-to-disturbing-levels-after-ukraine-invasion |access-date=14 March 2022|work=Bleacher Report|date=1 March 2022|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite magazine|title=Ukraine Crisis Spurs Anti-Russian Hate Around the World|url=https://time.com/6156582/ukraine-anti-russian-hate/ |access-date=14 March 2022|magazine=Time|date=10 March 2022|language=en}}</ref>

==== Canada ====
In February 2022, a Russian Orthodox Church in [[Calgary]] was vandalized with red paint.<ref>{{Citation | vauthors=((Marif, D.)) | date=29 March 2022 | title=An anti-Russian wave sweeps over Canada | url=https://newcanadianmedia.ca/an-anti-russian-wave-sweeps-over-canada/ | website=New Canada Media | access-date=1 January 2023}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=1 March 2022|title=Photos of Russian Orthodox Church vandalism suspect released by Calgary police|url=https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/photos-of-russian-orthodox-church-vandalism-suspect-released-by-calgary-police-1.5801587 |access-date=8 March 2022|website=CTV News|language=en}}</ref> On 4 March 2022, a parish of the [[Russian Orthodox Church]] in [[Victoria, British Columbia]] was painted [[blood red]] by vandals, possibly in response to the [[2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine]].<ref>{{Cite web|date=4 March 2022|title=Vandalism at Russian church may be hate crime: Victoria police|url=https://vancouverisland.ctvnews.ca/vandalism-at-russian-church-may-be-hate-crime-victoria-police-1.5806189 |access-date=8 March 2022|website=Vancouver Island|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Jack Knox: As vandals hit church, Victoria Russians oppose invasion|url=https://www.timescolonist.com/local-news/jack-knox-as-vandals-hit-church-victoria-russians-oppose-invasion-5124804 |access-date=8 March 2022|website=Victoria Times Colonist|date=4 March 2022 |language=en}}</ref> The next day, the colours of the [[Ukrainian flag]] were spray painted on the doors of a [[Vancouver]] Russian Community Centre.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Vancouver Russian Community Centre vandalized with blue and yellow paint {{!}} Globalnews.ca |url=https://globalnews.ca/news/8661250/vandalism-russian-community-centre-ukraine-vancouver/ |access-date=8 March 2022 |website=Global News |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|date=5 March 2022|title=Police investigate after Russian Community Centre in Vancouver vandalized|work=[[CBC News]]|url=https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/russian-community-centre-vandalized-1.6374377 |access-date=7 March 2022}}</ref> The [[Calgary Police Service]] announced in March they were investigating reports of anti-Russia hate speech and harassment on social media.<ref>{{Citation | vauthors=((Brown, A.)) | title=Calgary police investigating multiple reports of anti-Russia hate speech on social media | url=https://www.westernstandard.news/news/calgary-police-investigating-multiple-reports-of-anti-russia-hate-speech-on-social-media/article_c12072ae-82cd-5b51-bf20-45a704ce337c.html | access-date=1 January 2023 |website=The Western Standard |date=March 3, 2022 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Calgary police investigate reports of online hate speech targeting Russian-Canadians – Calgary {{!}} Globalnews.ca |url=https://globalnews.ca/news/8656416/calgary-police-russian-canadian-hate-speech-investigation/ |access-date=8 March 2022 |website=Global News |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Citation | date=March 10, 2022 | vauthors=((Law, T.)) |title=Ukraine Crisis Spurs Anti-Russian Hate Around the World | url=https://time.com/6156582/ukraine-anti-russian-hate/ | magazine=Time | access-date=28 December 2022|quote=Some attacks on Russians and others perceived to be Russian, have been criminal. A Russian Orthodox Church in Calgary, Canada was splattered with red paint on Feb. 26.}}</ref><ref name=ctvnews10142022>{{Citation | vauthors=((Le, K.)) | date=October 14, 2022 | title=Calgary man charged after allegedly threatening congregation of Russian Orthodox Church | url=https://calgary.ctvnews.ca/calgary-man-charged-after-allegedly-threatening-congregation-of-russian-orthodox-church-1.6109915 |website=CTV News Calgary | access-date=28 December 2022}}</ref>

In October 2022, numerous threats were made towards individuals affiliated with a Russian Orthodox Church in Calgary.<ref>{{Citation |vauthors=((Melgar, A.)), ((Laycraft, T.)) | date=October 14, 2022 | website=CityNews Calgary | title=Calgary Russian church target of hate crimes | url=https://calgary.citynews.ca/2022/10/14/calgary-russian-hate-crimes/ | access-date=28 December 2022}}</ref> Police stated, ''"As it is believed the church was targeted because of its Russian heritage, this incident has been deemed a hate-motivated crime"''.<ref name=calgary101322>{{Citation |website=Calgary News |date=October 13, 2022 | title=Man charged with hate-motivated harassment | url=https://newsroom.calgary.ca/man-charged-with-hate-motivated-harassment/ | access-date=28 December 2022}}</ref> Around the same time Calgary police received several other reports related to threats and harassment of Russian Calgarians which they believe are related. An individual has been located and charged with multiple counts of hate-motivated criminal harassment. A representative of the Calgary police stated, ''"We would like to make it clear that hate-motivated crimes of any kind will not be tolerated in our city."''<ref name=calgary101322 /><ref name=ctvnews10142022 /><ref>{{Citation |website=CBC News | vauthors=((Staff writer)) | date=October 13, 2022 | title=Threats made against Russian Orthodox church in Calgary leads to charges | url=https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/calgary-man-charged-hate-motivated-harassment-1.6616103 | access-date=28 December 2022}}</ref>

====United States====
{{See also|Russian Empire–United States relations|Soviet Union–United States relations|Russia–United States relations}}
After friendly relations from the United States' founding in 1776 to the mid-19th century, Americans' view of Russia gradually deteriorated by the 1880s because of [[Foreign policy of the Theodore Roosevelt administration#Pogroms in Russia|pogroms]] as well as the monarchical system.<ref>Jane E. Good,『America and the Russian revolutionary movement, 1888–1905.』''Russian Review'' 41.3 (1982): 273–287. {{JSTOR|129602}}</ref> Relations with the Russian Communist government had been highly hostile ever since the [[October Revolution|Bolshevik coup]] in 1917 and their subsequent crackdown on all opposition and the state-sponsored [[Red Terror]].<ref name="auto">{{Cite web|url=https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/archives/intn.html|title=Internal Workings of the Soviet Union - Revelations from the Russian Archives &#124; Exhibitions - Library of Congress|date=June 15, 1992|website=www.loc.gov}}</ref> The United States recognized [[Soviet Russia]] only in 1933 under the [[Foreign policy of the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration|Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt]], and the countries were allies against Germany in World War II.<ref>Curt Cardwell. "Review of Glantz, Mary E., ''FDR and the Soviet Union: The President's Battles over Foreign Policy''". ''H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews'' (January, 2007) [http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=12701 online]</ref>

Relations quickly turned hostile again in 1945–1947, after the war ended, and remained so during the [[Cold War]] years, 1947–1989. The Soviet Union's [[Soviet Empire|aggressive and increasingly militaristic foreign policy]] that led to their takeover of Eastern Europe and establishment of a network of [[satellite state]]s, known as the [[Soviet Bloc]],<ref>{{Cite journal|url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/45313651|title=The West and the Soviet Satellites|author=Graebner, Norman|year=1959|journal=Current History|volume=36|issue=212|pages=193–199 |doi=10.1525/curh.1959.36.212.193 |jstor=45313651 |s2cid=249702075 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> as well as totalitarian rule at home that was accompanied [[Political repression in the Soviet Union|by political repression]] and persecution of [[Soviet dissidents|dissidents]].<ref name="auto"/> However, Americans often conflated the terms "Russians" and "Communists"/"Soviets". To stop that in 1973 a group of Russian immigrants in the US founded the [[Congress of Russian Americans]] with the purpose of drawing a clear distinction between Russian national identity and Soviet ideology, and preventing the formation of anti-Russian sentiment on the basis of anti-communism.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/russianamericans0000ferr |url-access=registration|title=Russian Americans|author=Steven Ferry|year=1995 |publisher=Benchmark Books|page=[https://archive.org/details/russianamericans0000ferr/page/42 42]|access-date=15 August 2017|isbn=9780761401643}}</ref> Members of the Congress see the conflation itself as Russophobic, believing "Russians were the first and foremost victim of Communism".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.russian-americans.org/history/|title=History|date=20 June 2015}}</ref>

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, and the collapse of Communism, anti-Russian sentiment in the United States was at an all-time low. 62% of Americans expressed a positive view of Russia in 1991 and only 25% viewed the country negatively. In 1997, 66% of Americans indicated their friendliness to Russia.<ref name="auto1">{{Cite web|url=https://news.gallup.com/poll/1642/Russia.aspx|title=Russia|date=February 21, 2007|website=Gallup.com}}</ref> However, Russophobia has experienced a resurgence during the late 1990s due to Russia's opposition to the enlargement of NATO. According to a [[Gallup (company)|Gallup]] poll, 59% of surveyed Americans viewed Russia negatively in 1999, compared to only 25% in 1991.<ref name="gallupht2022"/> Still, as relations recovered after the [[September 11 attacks]], and Russia's support for the United States, favorability ratings of Russia again rose to 66% in 2002.<ref name="auto1"/>

Recent events (since 2012) such as the [[Anti-Magnitsky bill]],<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20130124180533/http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/world/2013-01/19/c_124251515.htm Russia blacklists more U.S. citizens from entry under "anti-Magnitsky" bill] 19 January 2013</ref> the [[Boston Marathon bombing]],<ref>[http://www.huffingtonpost.com/anya-schmemann/boston-bomber-us-russia-ties_b_3118244.html What Boston Bombers' Chechen Ties May Mean for U.S.-Russia Relations] 9 April 2013</ref> [[Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation|annexation of Crimea]],<ref name="pew-attitudes-2014"/> the [[Syrian Civil War]], the [[Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections|allegations of Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections]],<ref>"[https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/taibbi-russia-story-is-a-minefield-for-democrats-and-the-media-w471074 Why the Russia Story Is a Minefield for Democrats and the Media]". ''Rolling Stone''. 8 March 2017.</ref> the [[LGBT rights in Russia|mistreatment of LGBT people in Russia]] following the passage of a 2013 anti-LGBT propaganda law in the country, and the seizure and destruction of banned Western food imports in Russia starting in August 2015<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/07/russian-food-imports-destruction-moscow-desired-effect-waste-poverty|title=Russians despair at food destruction as Moscow says it is having desired effect|website=[[TheGuardian.com]] |date=August 7, 2015}}</ref> are many examples of events which have been deemed{{according to whom|date=June 2022}} to have caused a rising negative attitude toward Russia in the United States.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}}

In 2013, the formerly majority positive view of Russia among American respondents critically declined and this perception was replaced by a majority negative view of 60% by 2014. By 2019, a record 73% of Americans had a negative opinion of Russia as a country, and formerly dominant positive opinions had fallen from 66% down to 24%. In 2019, the share of Americans considering Russia to be a "critical" threat to national security reached a majority of 52% for the first time.<ref name="Saad">{{cite web|last=Saad|first=Lydia|date=27 February 2019|title=Majority of Americans Now Consider Russia a Critical Threat|url=https://news.gallup.com/poll/247100/majority-americans-consider-russia-critical-threat.aspx|website=GallupALLUP News}}</ref>

'''2001 to Russian reset'''
{{Main|Russian reset}}
In 2005, scholars Ira Straus and Edward Lozansky described negative coverage of Russia in mainstream American media, contrasting sentiment in media coverage with largely positive sentiment of the American public and U.S. government.<ref>[http://www.cdi.org/russia/johnson/9328-28.cfm "Pravda" on Potomac] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20051229023637/http://www.cdi.org/russia/johnson/9328-28.cfm |date=29 December 2005 }}, by Edward Lozansky, [[Johnson's Russia List]], December 2005</ref><ref>[http://www.cdi.org/russia/johnson/9023-24.cfm Why are the American media, both liberal and conservative, so unanimously anti-Russian?] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050126094839/http://www.cdi.org/russia/johnson/9023-24.cfm |date=26 January 2005 }}, by Ira Straus, [[Johnson's Russia List]], January 2005</ref>

The 2008 [[Russo-Georgian War]] was one of the recent events that contributed to growth of the negative sentiment toward Russia by the U.S. government. However, in 2011 the majority of American respondents still viewed Russia favorably.<ref name="auto1"/> According to researchers Oksan Bayulgen and Ekim Arbatli, whose content analysis of the coverage of the events in ''[[The New York Times]]'' and ''[[The Wall Street Journal]]'' indicated presence of anti-Russian [[Framing (social sciences)|framing bias]], people who followed the news more closely had a more negative opinion of Russia than those who rarely followed the conflict. They describe the politicization of foreign policy in the [[2008 United States presidential election]] debates, concurrence of which with the Russo-Georgian War "made Russia a part of the national political conversation". They also suggest that the links between media, public opinion and foreign policy exist, where U.S. media had an important role in sustaining the Cold War mentality and anti-Russian public sentiment.<ref name="2008georgiausrussia">{{cite journal|last1=Bayulgen|first1=Oksan|last2=Arbatli|first2=Ekim|title=Cold War redux in US–Russia relations? The effects of US media framing and public opinion of the 2008 Russia–Georgia war|journal=Communist and Post-Communist Studies|date=1 December 2013|volume=46|issue=4|pages=513–527|doi=10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.08.003|url=https://online.ucpress.edu/cpcs/article-abstract/46/4/513/473/Cold-War-redux-in-US-Russia-relations-The-effects?redirectedFrom=fulltext |access-date=17 June 2022}}</ref>

'''End of Russian reset to present'''

According to surveys by [[Pew Research Center]], favorable views of Russia in the United States started to decrease after reaching their peak in 2011, reducing from 51% to 37% by 2013.<ref name="pew202014nations">{{cite news|last1=Christine|first1=Huang|title=Views of Russia and Putin remain negative across 14 nations|url=https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/12/16/views-of-russia-and-putin-remain-negative-across-14-nations/|access-date=May 5, 2021|work=Pew Research Center|date=December 16, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220503174822/https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/12/16/views-of-russia-and-putin-remain-negative-across-14-nations/|archive-date=May 3, 2022|url-status=live}}</ref> In a 2013 survey, 60% of Americans said the United States could not trust Russia.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Horowitz|first1=Juliana Menasce|title=Few Americans have confidence in Putin or trust Russia|url=https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2013/09/12/few-americans-have-confidence-in-putin-or-trust-russia/|website=Pew Research Center |access-date=30 May 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210417062207/https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2013/09/12/few-americans-have-confidence-in-putin-or-trust-russia/ |archive-date=2021-04-17|date=2013-09-12 |url-status=live}}</ref> Additionally, 59% of Americans had a negative view of Russia, 23% had a favorable opinion, and 18% were uncertain.<ref name=WPO>{{cite web|url=http://www.worldpublicopinion.org/pipa/2013%20Country%20Rating%20Poll.pdf|title=BBC World Service poll: Views of China and India Slide While UK's Ratings Climb: Global Poll|work=BBC|date=22 May 2013|access-date=4 October 2013|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130926224831/http://www.worldpublicopinion.org/pipa/2013%20Country%20Rating%20Poll.pdf|archive-date=26 September 2013}}</ref> According to a survey by Pew Research Center, negative attitudes towards Russia in the United States rose from 43% to 72% from 2013 to 2014.<ref name="pew-attitudes-2014"/>

Whereas in 2006 only 1% of Americans listed Russia as "America's worst enemy", by 2019 32% of Americans, including a plurality of 44% of [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democrats]], shared this view,<ref name="Saad" /> with a partisan split having emerged during the [[2016 United States presidential election|2016 presidential campaign]]. The sharper distaste among the Democrat population stands in contrast to the prior history of American public opinion on Russia, as [[Republican Party (United States)|Republicans]] were formerly more likely to view Russia as a greater threat.<ref>{{cite web|date=30 July 2019|title=Climate Change and Russia Are Partisan Flashpoints in Public's Views of Global Threats|url=https://www.people-press.org/2019/07/30/climate-change-and-russia-are-partisan-flashpoints-in-publics-views-of-global-threats/#changing-views-of-global-threats|website=Pew Research Center}}</ref>

In May 2017, former [[Director of National Intelligence]] [[James Clapper]] stated on [[NBC]]'s ''[[Meet The Press]]'' that Russians are "almost genetically driven" to act deviously.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.nbcnews.com/politics/politics-news/james-clapper-trump-russia-ties-my-dashboard-warning-light-was-n765601|title=James Clapper on Trump-Russia Ties: 'My Dashboard Warning Light Was Clearly On|work=NBC News|date=28 May 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=James Clapper Tells NBC's Chuck Todd That Russians Are 'Genetically Driven' to Co-opt|url=https://www.yahoo.com/news/m/9037f972-3f90-3019-8b96-fafdd5ccff9a/ss_james-clapper-tells-nbc%E2%80%99s.html|publisher=Yahoo News|date=30 May 2017|access-date=5 March 2018|archive-date=9 January 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180109064558/https://www.yahoo.com/news/m/9037f972-3f90-3019-8b96-fafdd5ccff9a/ss_james-clapper-tells-nbc%E2%80%99s.html|url-status=dead}}</ref> Freelance journalist Michael Sainato criticized the remark as [[Xenophobia|xenophobic]].<ref>{{cite web|title=James Clapper Tells NBC's Chuck Todd That Russians Are 'Genetically Driven' to Co-opt|url=http://observer.com/2017/05/james-clapper-russia-xenophobia/|work=The Observer|date=30 May 2017}}</ref> In June 2017, Clapper said that "[<span class="ltr">t</span>]he Russians are not our friends", because it is in their "genes to be opposed, diametrically opposed, to the United States and [[Liberal democracy|Western democracies]]."<ref>{{Cite web |date=2017-06-08 |title=SPEECH – Professor James Clapper AO address to the National Press Club |url=https://www.anu.edu.au/news/all-news/speech-professor-james-clapper-ao-address-to-the-national-press-club |access-date=2021-03-12 |website=[[Australian National University]] |language=en}}</ref> Yuliya Komska in ''[[The Washington Post]]'' took note of a Russiagate-awareness media project featuring [[Morgan Freeman]] and James Clapper and wrote that its "hawkish tenor stokes blanket Russophobia that is as questionable as the Russian state media's all-out [[anti-Americanism]]."<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/made-by-history/wp/2017/09/29/morgan-freeman-is-educating-americans-on-russia-thats-a-problem/|title=Morgan Freeman is educating Americans on Russia. That's a problem.|last=Komska|first=Yuliya|date=29 September 2017|newspaper=The Washington Post}}</ref>

In June 2020, Russian American professor [[Nina L. Khrushcheva]] wrote: "Normally, I would not side with the Kremlin. But I cannot help wondering whether the Russophobia found in some segments of America's political class and media has become pathological."<ref>{{cite news|title=Russian derangement syndrome|url=https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2020/06/02/commentary/world-commentary/russian-derangement-syndrome/|work=The Japan Times|date=2 June 2020}}</ref> In July 2020, academic and former U.S. Ambassador to Russia [[Michael McFaul]] spoke about "combatting Russophobia", appealing to U.S. officials and journalists to cease "demonizing" Russian people, and criticizing propagation of stereotypes about Russians, Russian culture and Russian national proclivities.<ref name="mcfaul20aareview">{{cite journal|last1=McFaul|first1=Michael |author1-link=Michael McFaul|title=A U.S. Strategy to Contain and Engage Putin's Russia|journal=American Ambassadors Review|date=25 November 2020|issue=Fall 2020|url=https://www.americanambassadorslive.org/post/a-u-s-strategy-to-contain-and-engage-putin-s-russia}}</ref> He, and some other commentators, have argued that the U.S. media does not make enough distinction between Putin's government and Russia and the Russians, thus effectively vilifying the whole nation.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://observer.com/2017/06/russophobia-hurts-trump-helps-putin/|work=[[New York Observer|Observer]]|first=Diana|last=Bruk|title=Russophobia Isn't Just Hurting Donald Trump—It's Helping Vladimir Putin|date=19 June 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://medium.com/the-anti-nihilist-institute/american-russophobia-is-real-and-its-helping-putin-a48ad884f149|work=[[Medium (website)|Medium]]|first=Anna|last=Lind-Guzik|title=American Russophobia is real—and it's helping Putin|date=7 June 2017}}</ref>

On July 2, 2020, the [[The Lincoln Project|Lincoln Project]], a group of anti-Trump Republicans,<ref>Donald Trump said in March 2023: "The greatest threat to Western civilisation today is not Russia (...) It's probably, more than anything else, ourselves and some of the horrible, USA-hating people that represent us": [https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-67272569 Anthony Zurcher, ''What a Donald Trump second term would look like'', BBC news, 3 November 2023].</ref> released ''[[Fellow Traveler]]'', an ad saying in [[Russian language|Russian]] with English subtitles that "Comrade Trump" had been "chosen" by Vladimir Putin and had "accepted the help of [[Mother Russia]]." The ad featured [[Communism|communist]] imagery such as the hammer and sickle, as well as photographs and imagery of Bolshevik dictators [[Vladimir Lenin]], [[Joseph Stalin]], and [[Mikhail Gorbachev]]. [[Eliot Borenstein]], Professor of Russian and Slavic Studies at [[New York University|NYU]], criticized the Lincoln Project's "Russophobic" ad, saying: "How would we feel about a two-minute video filled with [[Star of David|Stars of David]], men in [[Jewish religious clothing|Orthodox garb]], sinister snapshots of [[Benjamin Netanyahu|Bibi]], and soldiers in tanks, all to the tune of “[[Hava Nagila]]”? If that doesn't make you uncomfortable, I'm not sure what to tell you."<ref>{{Cite web|last=Borenstein|first=Eliot|title=The Lincoln Project's Red Scare|date=2 July 2020|url=http://jordanrussiacenter.org/news/russia-always-equals-communism-even-when-that-equation-makes-no-sense-whatsoever/|publisher=New York University Jordan Center |archive-date=3 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200703095908/http://jordanrussiacenter.org/news/russia-always-equals-communism-even-when-that-equation-makes-no-sense-whatsoever/ |url-status=live}}</ref>

[[The Wall Street Journal]] argued in an editorial that the White House blamed Russia for the [[2021–2022 inflation surge]] to deflect criticism of the domestic economic policies.<ref name="wsj22putinsinflation">{{cite web|title=This Isn't Putin's Inflation|url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/it-isnt-vladimir-putins-inflation-white-house-joe-biden-consumer-price-index-energy-wages-11649792567|website=The Wall Street Journal |access-date=13 April 2022 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220413020601/https://www.wsj.com/articles/it-isnt-vladimir-putins-inflation-white-house-joe-biden-consumer-price-index-energy-wages-11649792567 |archive-date=13 April 2022|date=12 April 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>

'''Hollywood and video games'''

Russians and [[Russian Americans]] are usually portrayed as ruthless agents, brutal mobsters, psychopaths, and villains in [[Hollywood (film industry)|Hollywood]] movies<ref>{{cite news|title=Hollywood stereotypes: Why are Russians the bad guys?|url=https://www.bbc.com/culture/article/20141106-why-are-russians-always-bad-guys|work=BBC News|date=5 November 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=5 Hollywood Villains That Prove Russian Stereotypes Are Hard to Kill|url=https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2015/08/09/5-hollywood-villains-that-prove-russian-stereotypes-are-hard-to-kill-a48849|work=The Moscow Times|date=9 August 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Will the cliche of the 'Russian baddie' ever leave our screens?|url=https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2017/jul/10/will-cliche-russian-baddie-ever-leave-screens-james-norton-mcmafia|work=The Guardian|date=10 July 2017}}</ref> and video games. In a 2014 news story, ''[[Fox News]]'' reported that "Russians may also be unimpressed with Hollywood's apparent negative stereotyping of [the Russian people] in movies. ''[[The Avengers (2012 film)|The Avengers]]'' featured a ruthless former [[KGB]] agent, ''[[Iron Man 2]]'' centers on a rogue Russian scientist with a vendetta, and action thriller ''[[Jack Ryan: Shadow Recruit]]'' saw [[Kenneth Branagh]] play an archetypal Russian bad guy, just to name a few. Some games in the critically-acclaimed ''[[Grand Theft Auto]]'' series depict Russians and the [[Russian Mafia]] they are supposedly part of as ruthless and heavily-armed enemies which the player has to fight against as part of the storyline, particularly ''[[Grand Theft Auto IV]]'' which features a Russian mobster named Dimitri Rascalov as its primary antagonist.<ref>{{citation|url=http://www.foxnews.com/entertainment/2014/10/14/russian-film-industry-and-hollywood-uneasy-with-one-another/ |title=Russian film industry and Hollywood uneasy with one another |website= Fox News |date=14 October 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Khruscheva|first=Nina|title=As if things weren't Badenov: Even in good times, Russians are villains in Hollywood|url=http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2014/08/27/as-if-things-werent-badenov-even-in-good-times-russians-are-villains-in-hollywood/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140831224814/http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2014/08/27/as-if-things-werent-badenov-even-in-good-times-russians-are-villains-in-hollywood/|url-status=dead|archive-date=31 August 2014|newspaper=[[Reuters]]|date=27 August 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Kurutz|first=Steven|title=Russians: Still the Go-To Bad Guys |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/19/opinion/sunday/why-are-russians-still-the-go-to-bad-guys.html|access-date=18 January 2014|newspaper=[[The New York Times]]|date=17 January 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Queenan|first=Joe|title=Comrades in arms: why big-screen bad guys are always Russian|url=https://www.theguardian.com/film/filmblog/2014/nov/14/why-on-screen-bad-guys-are-always-russian|newspaper=[[The Guardian]]|date=14 November 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Donald|first=Ella|title=From Russia, With Love: the Sudden Resurgence of the Soviet Villain |url=https://www.vanityfair.com/hollywood/2017/07/atomic-blonde-wonder-woman-glow-soviet-russia-cold-war|publisher=[[Vanity Fair (magazine)|Vanity Fair]]|date=28 July 2017}}</ref>

The video game ''[[Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2]]'' portrays Russian soldiers as over-the-top villains and contains a controversial mission titled "[[No Russian]]", which involves the player engaging in a mass shooting in a Russian airport. In Russia, the game sparked calls for boycotts and prompted live streamers to pull out of deals with publisher [[Activision]], with Russians also flooding [[Metacritic]] online to vote down the game's user score.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Alex Horton|date=November 5, 2019|title=The new Call of Duty game casts Russians as villains. It sparked an online revolt.|newspaper=The Washington Post|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/video-games/2019/11/05/new-call-duty-game-cast-russians-villains-it-sparked-an-online-revolt/}}</ref>

===Pacific===
====New Zealand====
Russophobia in [[New Zealand]] dates back to the [[Colony of New Zealand|colonial era]]; early anti-Russian sentiment among New Zealanders was influenced by "the general [[Victorian era|Victorian]] dislike of [[Tsarist autocracy]]" and [[British diaspora|British immigrants]] to the colony who brought "with them the high level of anti-Russian sentiment at home." Polish, Hungarian and Jewish refugees fleeing Russia's suppression of various rebellions and [[Pogroms in the Russian Empire|outbreaks of anti-Jewish pogroms]] also influenced Russophobia in New Zealand. In the aftermath of the [[Crimean War]], suspicion of a possible Russian invasion of New Zealand led the colonial government to construct [[Coastal fortifications of New Zealand#The "Russian-scare" forts of 1885|a series of "Russian-scare" coastal fortifications]] along the coastline. However, during the [[World War I|First World War]], anti-Russian sentiment subsided as New Zealand and Russia found themselves fighting on [[Allies of World War I|the same side]] against [[German Empire|Imperial Germany]] and [[anti-German sentiment]] grew in its place. By late 1920s pragmatism moderated anti-Russian sentiment in official circles, especially during the [[Great Depression]]. Influential visitors to the [[Soviet Union]], such as [[George Bernard Shaw]], provided a sympathetic view of what they experienced.<ref name=wilson/> The history of Russophobia in [[New Zealand]] was analyzed in Glynn Barratt's book ''Russophobia in New Zealand, 1838–1908'',<ref name=barrat>{{cite book |title=Russophobia in New Zealand, 1838–1908|last=Barratt|first=Glynn|year=1981|publisher=Dunmore Press|isbn=978-0-908564-75-0 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3OwmAQAAMAAJ}}</ref> expanded to cover the period up to 1939 in an article by Tony Wilson.<ref name=wilson>Tony Wilson, [https://www.jstor.org/stable/40922035 Russophobia and New Zealand-Russian Relations, 1900s to 1939], New Zealand Slavonic Journal, (1999), pp. 273–296</ref>

===Asia and Middle East===

====Iran====
{{See also|Iran–Russia relations|Russo-Persian Wars}}

=====16th-18th centuries =====
Anti-Russian sentiment in Iran dates back centuries. The modern historian [[Rudi Matthee]] explains that already by the [[Safavid Iran|Safavid]] period (1501-1736), the Iranians "had long despised Russians for their uncouthness".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Matthee |first1=Rudolph P. |title=The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600–1730 |year=1999 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |isbn=978-0-521-64131-9 |page=221 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5U0yECMV--wC&dq=he+Politics+of+Trade+in+Safavid+Iran%3A+Silk+for+Silver%2C+1600-1730+uncouthness&pg=PA221}}</ref> Russians enjoyed a bad reputation in Iran, where, by the 17th century, they were known as the Uzbegs of Europe, the worst of all Christians, unmannered, unintelligent and perpetually intoxicated.<ref name="Matthee350-351">{{cite journal |last1=Matthee |first1=Rudi |title=Rudeness and Revilement: Russian–Iranian Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century |journal=Iranian Studies |date=2013 |volume=46 |issue=3 |pages=350–351 |doi=10.1080/00210862.2012.758500|s2cid=145596080 }}</ref> This perception can be traced back to ancient Greco-Roman cosmographical conceptions which had been conveyed to the Islamic world. According to this concept, the world was divided into seven climes; the farther away the concentric clime from the center, the more barbarian its inhabitants were deemed. The notion was also connected to the old concept of [[Gog and Magog]] as found in the [[Quran]], according to which, beyond this boundary lay a murky land inhabited by dimwitted people.<ref name="Matthee350-351"/> Hence, describing this stereotype, in written Safavid sources the denigratory adjective ''rus-e manhus'' ("inauspicious Russia" or "ominous Russia") was coined.<ref name="Matthee350-351"/><ref name="Behrooz49">{{cite book|last1=Behrooz|first1=Maziar |authorlink=Maziar Behrooz|title=Iran at War: Interactions with the Modern World and the Struggle with Imperial Russia|date=2023|publisher=I.B. Tauris|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TnevEAAAQBAJ|isbn=978-0755637379|page=49}}</ref> Over time, it became a generic term for Iranians referring to Russians.<ref name="Matthee350-351"/>

By the mid-17th century, the term ''rus-e manhus'' designated [[Cossacks]] in particular who created havoc around the [[Caspian Sea|Caspian]] littoral, and whom the Iranians did not really distinguish from "real" Russians. By the 18th century, according to Matthee "stereotypes about a primitive people more given to act out of instinct than reason are also likely to have been reinforced by the fact that Iranians, in [[Jonas Hanway]]’s words, probably did not see more of “Russians” than tribal, nomadic peoples living around the Caspian Sea, and of “real” Russians at most uncouth soldiers and illiterate fishermen."<ref name="Matthee350-351"/> It is to be noted however that contemporaneous Iranians were probably no less prone to view Russians as primitive and uncivilized than contemporary English commentators were.<ref name="Matthee356">{{cite journal |last1=Matthee |first1=Rudi |title=Rudeness and Revilement: Russian–Iranian Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century |journal=Iranian Studies |date=2013 |volume=46 |issue=3 |page=356 |doi=10.1080/00210862.2012.758500|s2cid=145596080 }}</ref>

Due to said perceptions, 17th-century Russian envoys were treated with occasional rudeness by the Iranians. Most of the mistreatment of said envoys was however grounded in suspicion and resentment about possible hidden objectives and designs by the Russians. However this was a common global view at the time regarding envoys. Envoys and emissaries were basically invariably seen as having (secret) motives and being spies. In fact, it was this very view that prevented the establishment of permanent diplomatic missions in Europe in the early modern period.<ref name="Matthee356"/> Iranian suspicions in the mid-17th century about Russian motives were nevertheless longstanding, ran deep amongst the populace, and were based on genuine concerns.<ref name="Matthee357">{{cite journal |last1=Matthee |first1=Rudi |title=Rudeness and Revilement: Russian–Iranian Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century |journal=Iranian Studies |date=2013 |volume=46 |issue=3 |page=357 |doi=10.1080/00210862.2012.758500|s2cid=145596080 }}</ref>

At the time, the Russians tried to present profitable commercial missions as diplomatic embassies, and covertly tried to support Cossack attacks on Iran. The construction of fortresses in the Caucasus however was the most important factor at the time (see also; [[Russo-Persian War (1651-1653)]], with Iranian concerns about Russian plans to subjugate the Caucasus dating back to the mid-16th century. With the rise of the Tsarist realm of [[Peter the Great]] and his aggression against Iran in the first half of the 18th century, such concerns were quickly reinvigorated, and were ultimately prophetic in view of the later [[Russian conquest of the Caucasus|Russian annexation of the Caucasus]] in the course of the 19th century.<ref name="Matthee357"/>

In the course of the 18th century Iranian views of Russians were somewhat adjusted, due to Peter the Great's modernization efforts and expansionism as initiated by [[Catherine the Great]]. However, Iranian views of their northern neighbors as being somewhat bland and primitive were apparently never relinquished.<ref name="Matthee356"/>

=====19th-21st centuries=====
In his book ''Iran at War: Interactions with the Modern World and the Struggle with Imperial Russia'', focusing on the two [[Russo-Persian Wars|Russo-Iranian Wars]] of the first half of the 19th century ([[Russo-Persian War (1804-1813)|1804-1813]], [[Russo-Persian War (1826-1828)|1826-1828]]), the historian [[Maziar Behrooz]] explains that Iranian and Russian elites held a demeaning view of each other prior to the reunification campaigns of [[Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar]] ({{reign}}1789–1797), as well as through the early 19th century.<ref name="Behrooz49"/> They viewed each other as uncivilized and backwards, and thus held each other in contempt.<ref name="Behrooz49"/> For instance, the most commonly used contemporaneous denigratory adjective in Iran for Russians was the aforementioned adjective ''rus-e manhus''.<ref name="Behrooz49"/> The contemporaneous British diplomat, traveller and novelist [[James Justinian Morier]], writing in 1808, noted that the Iranians spoke of Russians with the greatest disdain.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Behrooz|first1=Maziar|authorlink=Maziar Behrooz|title=Iran at War: Interactions with the Modern World and the Struggle with Imperial Russia|date=2023|publisher=I.B. Tauris|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TnevEAAAQBAJ|isbn=978-0755637379|pages=49–50}}</ref> As a result of aforementioned wars, Russia annexed large parts of Iranian territory in the [[Caucasus]]; With the [[Treaty of Gulistan]] (1813) and [[Treaty of Turkmenchay]] (1828), Iran was forced to cede what is present-day [[Azerbaijan]], [[Armenia]], eastern [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]] and southern [[Dagestan]] to Russia.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kazemzadeh |first1=Firuz |chapter=Iranian relations with Russia and the Soviet Union, to 1921 |editor-last1=Avery |editor-first1=Peter |editor-last2=Hambly |editor-first2=Gavin |editor-last3=Melville |editor-first3=Charles |title=The Cambridge History of Iran |volume=7 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1991 |isbn=978-0521200950 |pages=328–330}}</ref> This fuelled anti-Russian sentiment which led to an angry mob storming the Russian embassy in [[Tehran]] and killing everyone in 1829. Among those killed in the massacre was the newly appointed Russian ambassador to Iran, [[Alexander Griboyedov]], a celebrated playwright. Griboyedov had previously played an active role in negotiating the terms of the treaty of 1828.<ref>See [[Peter Hopkirk|Hopkirk, Peter]]. ''[[The Great Game: The Struggle for Empire in Central Asia]]''. New York: Kodansha Globe, 1997, {{ISBN|1-56836-022-3}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=The Origins and Conduct of the Russo-Persian War, 1826–1828|first=Alexander|last=Bitis|date=30 November 2006 |doi=10.5871/bacad/9780197263273.001.0001|isbn=9780197263273}}</ref>

Soviet involvement in the [[Iran crisis of 1946|Azerbaijani and Kurdish separatist movements]] also fueled negative attitudes.<ref>{{cite magazine|url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/1993-09-01/iran-and-cold-war-azerbaijan-crisis-1946|title=Iran and the Cold War: The Azerbaijan Crisis of 1946|date=28 January 2009|magazine=Foreign Affairs}}</ref> In 2009, negative attitudes to Russia among the Iranian opposition was also observed due to Russian support of the Iranian government.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Mackey |first=Robert |date=July 20, 2009 |title=For Iran's Opposition, 'Death to Russia' Is the New 'Death to America' |url=https://archive.nytimes.com/thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/07/20/why-death-to-russia-is-the-new-death-to-america-for-irans-opposition/ |website=The New York Times |language=en}}</ref> A September 2021 poll done by the [[Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland]] had 42% of Iranian respondents holding an unfavourable view of Russia compared to 56% holding a favourable view.<ref>{{Cite web |author1=Nancy Gallagher |author2=Ebrahim Mohseni |author3=Clay Ramsay |date=September 2021 |title=Iranian Public Opinion, At the Start of the Raisi Administration (page 35) |url=https://cissm.umd.edu/sites/default/files/2021-10/Final-Iranian%20Public%20Opinion%20Sept%202021.pdf |website=Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland}}</ref>

==== India ====
Russian visitors to [[Goa]] make up one of the largest groups in the state and according to Indian media, there has been tension between them and the locals due to violence and other illegal activities committed by some visitors.<ref>{{Cite web|first=Keshav|last=Naik|date=19 December 2011|title=Meet the latest colonizers|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/goa/meet-the-latest-colonizers/articleshow/11162491.cms |website=[[The Times of India]]|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=26 April 2013|title=In Goa Russians, French, Iranians guides are "robbing the daily bread" of Indian guides|url=https://www.indiatoday.in/india/west/story/russians-french-iranians-guides-in-goa-160188-2013-04-26 |website=[[India Today]], [[Indo-Asian News Service]]|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=25 February 2010|title=From Russia with love? Well, not really|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/goa/from-russia-with-love-well-not-really/articleshow/5613219.cms|website=[[The Times of India]]|language=en}}</ref> In February 2012, Indian politician [[Shantaram Naik]] accused Russians (as well as Israelis) of occupying certain coastal villages in Goa.<ref>{{Cite web|date=21 February 2012|title=Russians, Israelis have 'occupied' Goa's coastal villages: Congress |url=https://www.deccanherald.com/content/228938/russians-israelis-have-occupied-goas.html|website=[[Deccan Herald]]|language=en}}</ref> In August 2012, Indian politician [[Eduardo Faleiro]] rejected the Russian consul general's claim that there was no existence of the [[Russian mafia]] there, alleging "a virtual cultural invasion" was occurring in [[Morjim]].<ref>{{Cite web|date=15 August 2012|title=Russia's 'no mafia in Goa' claim is false: Eduardo|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/goa/russias-no-mafia-in-goa-claim-is-false-eduardo/articleshow/15499310.cms|website=[[The Times of India]]|language=en}}</ref> According to the ''[[Indian Express]]'' in 2013, Goan resentment of foreigners had been building, with anger particularly directed towards Russians and Nigerians.<ref>{{Cite web|first=Zeeshan |last=Shaikh|date=24 November 2013|title=The Shrinking Goa: State caught between clash of cultures,dependence on tourism |url=https://indianexpress.com/article/news-archive/latest-news/the-shrinking-goa-state-caught-between-clash-of-cultures-dependence-on-tourism/ |website=[[The Indian Express]]|language=en}}</ref>

In 2014, after Goan taxi drivers protested against Russian tour operators allegedly snatching tourist transport services from them, Goa's ministry of tourism cancelled an Indo-Russian music festival, sparking criticism from a few Russian diplomats.<ref>{{Cite web|date=1 February 2014|title=Goa cancels Indo-Russian music fest , sparks diplomatic row|url=https://www.deccanherald.com/national/goa-cancels-indo-russian-music-fest-sparks-diplomatic-row-373532.html|website=[[Deccan Herald]]|language=en}}</ref> In 2015, the Russian information centre reportedly said India and Goa "were not considered as good destinations for Russian travellers".<ref>{{Cite web|date=29 November 2015|title=Russia strikes off Goa, India from its list of safe travel destinations|url=https://www.firstpost.com/india/russia-strikes-off-goa-india-from-its-list-of-safe-travel-destinations-2525524.html|website=[[Firstpost]]|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=29 November 2015|title=Goa Off Russia's List Of 'Safe' Travel Destinations|url=https://www.huffingtonpost.in/2015/11/29/russia_1_n_8674138.html|website=[[HuffPost]]|language=en}}</ref>

====Japan====
{{See also|Japan–Russia relations|Russo-Japanese War|Russians in Japan|Kuril islands dispute}}
[[File:Kisaburō Ohara, Europe and Asia Octopus Map, 1904 Cornell CUL PJM 1145 01 (cropped).jpg|thumb|upright=1.15|An anti-Russian satirical map produced in Japan during the [[Russo–Japanese War]].]]
Many Japanese interactions with Russians as of 2009 occurred with seamen and fishermen of the [[Fishing industry in Russia|Russian fishing fleet]], therefore some Japanese carried negative [[stereotype]]s associated with sailors over to Russians.<ref>{{Cite web|last=[[Debito Arudou]]|date=August 30, 2017|title="Japanese Only" signs come down in Monbetsu, Hokkaido. Finally. It only took 22 years. |url=http://www.debito.org/?p=14726|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last1=Tsuneo Akaha|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xrroO9pxJxcC&pg=PA110|title=Crossing National Borders: Human Migration Issues in Northeast Asia|last2=Anna Vassilieva|publisher=[[United Nations University Press]]|year=2005|isbn=978-92-808-1117-9 |publication-place=[[Monterey Institute of International Studies]]|pages=110 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last=Letman|first=Jon|date=31 March 2000|title=Russian visitors boiling over Japanese bathhouses |publisher=Vladivostok News|url=http://vlad.tribnet.com/2000/iss212/text/news3.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070930223953/http://vlad.tribnet.com/2000/iss212/text/news3.html |archive-date=30 September 2007}}</ref> <!-- Russia and Japan also share a past filled with conflicts, and many Japanese people claim that Russia's [[Kuril Islands]] belong to Japan. Historically, Japan conquered several of these Ainu islands from Russia in the 1905 Russo-Japanese war, holding them until the end of World War Two, after which they were taken back by Russia. The islands have been a contentious issue ever since. --This is an intergovernmental dispute. How is it relevant here? --><!-- and there are compelling arguments on both sides, also in part due to their ethnicity-->

According to a 2012 [[Pew Global Attitudes Project]] survey, 72% of Japanese people view Russia unfavorably, compared with 22% who viewed it favorably, making Japan the most anti-Russian country surveyed.<ref name="PewAttitudesProject2012">{{cite web|year=2012|title=Opinion of Russia|url=http://www.pewglobal.org/database/indicator/27/survey/14/response/Unfavorable/ |access-date=12 August 2013|publisher=Pew Research Center}}</ref> A 2017 poll from the [[Government of Japan|Japanese government]] found that 78.1% of Japanese said they felt little or no affinity to Russia, which was the second highest percentage out of 8 regions polled (behind China at 78.5%).<ref>{{Cite web|date=December 2017 |title=Overview of the Public Opinion Survey on Diplomacy (page 4)|url=https://survey.gov-online.go.jp/h29/h29-gaiko/summary.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210301153811/https://survey.gov-online.go.jp/h29/h29-gaiko/summary.pdf |archive-date=1 March 2021 |website=Public Relations Office, Government of Japan}}</ref>

In December 2016, protesters gathered in Tokyo demanding the return of islands in the [[Kuril Islands dispute]].<ref>{{Cite web|date=2016|title=Anti-Russian protest|url=https://japantoday.com/category/picture-of-the-day/anti-russian-protest |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170917225953/https://japantoday.com/category/picture-of-the-day/anti-russian-protest |archive-date=17 September 2017|website=[[Japan Today]]|language=en}}</ref>

Instances of harassment, hate speech and discrimination targeting Russians living in Japan were reported after [[2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine]]. Foreign Minister [[Yoshimasa Hayashi]] condemned human rights abuses against Russians that took place.<ref name="jptimes22discrimination">{{cite web|title=Japan foreign minister concerned about discrimination against Russians|url=https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2022/04/20/national/yoshimasa-hayashi-russian-discrimination-concerns/|website=The Japan Times |date=20 April 2022 |access-date=13 June 2022 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20220613175524/https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2022/04/20/national/yoshimasa-hayashi-russian-discrimination-concerns/ |archive-date=13 June 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref>

====Kazakhstan====
{{See also|Kazakhstan–Russia relations}}

According to the [[Jamestown Foundation]], while previously not known for being anti-Russian, [[Kazakhstan]] since independence has grown increasingly hostile to both Russia and China. Russian commentator Yaroslav Razumov alleges that "anti-Russian articles are a staple of the Kazakh media".<ref>{{cite news|last=Goble|first=Paul|title=Kazakhs Increasingly Hostile to Both Russians and Chinese |url=https://jamestown.org/program/kazakhs-increasingly-hostile-to-both-russians-and-chinese/|url-status=live|newspaper=Jamestown|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180725011025/http://jamestown.org/program/kazakhs-increasingly-hostile-to-both-russians-and-chinese/ |archive-date=25 July 2018}}</ref> Recently, Kazakh nationalists have criticized people who prefer speaking in Russian than [[Kazakh language|Kazakh]] despite being one of the two official languages in the country.<ref>{{cite web|title=Ukrainian nationalism splashes out on Kazakhstan |url=http://www.pravdareport.com/world/141960-nationalism/|website=Pravda.ru (9 November 2018)|date=9 November 2018}}</ref> In 2014, ethnic Kazakhs were enraged with the statement of Russian president [[Vladimir Putin]] that "Kazakhs never had any statehood" before independence.<ref name="TRT World">{{cite web|title=Kazakhstan's troubles switching from the Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet |url=https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/kazakhstan-s-troubles-switching-from-the-cyrillic-to-the-latin-alphabet-23960|url-status=live|website=[[TRT World]] (7 February 2019)|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190207192046/https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/kazakhstan-s-troubles-switching-from-the-cyrillic-to-the-latin-alphabet-23960 |archive-date=7 February 2019}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Putin Downplays Kazakh Independence, Sparks Angry Reaction|url=https://www.rferl.org/a/kazakhstan-putin-history-reaction-nation/26565141.html|newspaper=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty|date=3 September 2014 |last1=Najibullah |first1=Farangis }}</ref>

====China====
{{see also|China–Russia relations|History of Sino-Russian relations}}

Tensions between Russia and China began with the [[Sino-Russian border conflicts]], which began in 1652 and lasted until 1689.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.onwar.com/aced/chrono/c1600s/yr50/sinorussianborder.htm|title=Sino-Russian border conflicts|website=www.onwar.com|access-date=25 February 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190225224033/https://www.onwar.com/aced/chrono/c1600s/yr50/sinorussianborder.htm |archive-date=25 February 2019|url-status=dead}}</ref> During the 19th century, when the [[Qing dynasty]] of China was distracted suppressing the [[Taiping Rebellion]] and fighting the [[Second Opium War]], the Russian government [[Amur Annexation|annexed]] the region of [[Outer Manchuria]] through the [[Unequal treaty|Unequal Treaties]] of late imperial China.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://carnegie.ru/commentary/60357|title=Aigun, Russia, and China's "Century of Humiliation"|first=Igor|last=Denisov|website=Carnegie Moscow Center}}</ref> Russia would continue to sponsor various groups, both pro and anti-Chinese, helping to destabilize China with the [[Dungan Revolt (1862–77)|Dungan rebellion]] and Russian occupation of [[Yining|Ili]].<ref>{{cite journal|url=http://oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277727-e-13|title=Xinjiang Under the Qing|first=Kwangmin|last=Kim|date=28 March 2018|journal=Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History|volume=1 |via=oxfordre.com|doi=10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.13|isbn=9780190277727}}</ref> Towards the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Russia [[Russian invasion of Manchuria|invaded Manchuria]] and was among a major participant that crushed the [[Boxer Rebellion]] against European powers.<ref>{{cite journal|title=Russia in the Boxer Rebellion|first=Alena N.|last=Eskridge-Kosmach|date=12 March 2008|journal=The Journal of Slavic Military Studies|volume=21|issue=1|pages=38–52|doi=10.1080/13518040801894142|s2cid=143812301}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.rbth.com/arts/2017/03/30/mongolian-independence-result-russia-china-political-game-730665|title=How a Russia-China political game resulted in Mongolian independence|first=Ajay|last=Kamalakaran|date=30 March 2017|website=www.rbth.com}}</ref>

With the collapse of the Tsarist Empire in Russia, the [[Soviet Union]] was founded. Nonetheless, tensions between the USSR and [[Republic of China (1912–1949)|China]] remained high. The Soviet Union waged the [[Sino-Soviet conflict (1929)|1929 war]] against China, which ended in Soviet victory.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://kansaspress.ku.edu/978-0-7006-2375-4.html|title=The 1929 Sino-Soviet War|website=kansaspress.ku.edu|access-date=2019-02-25|archive-date=2021-09-09|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210909084953/https://kansaspress.ku.edu/978-0-7006-2375-4.html |url-status=dead}}</ref> The Soviet Union would continue following Imperial Russia's expansion of influence by sponsoring a number of various militia groups destabilizing China, especially in [[Xinjiang]] which resulted in the [[Kumul Rebellion]], [[Soviet invasion of Xinjiang]] and followed by the [[Islamic rebellion in Xinjiang (1937)|Islamic rebellion]] and [[Ili Rebellion]] in 1937 and 1944.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.oxuscom.com/sovinxj.htm|title=The Soviets in Xinjiang (1911–1949)|website=www.oxuscom.com|access-date=25 February 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081023203643/http://www.oxuscom.com/sovinxj.htm|archive-date=23 October 2008|url-status=dead}}</ref> The Soviet invasion and [[Soviet occupation of Manchuria|occupation of Manchuria]] in 1945 following Japanese control increased anti-Russian and anti-Soviet sentiment as a result of war crimes committed by Soviet troops, including rape and looting.<ref name=FCJones>{{cite book|first=FC|last=Jones |year=1949|title=Manchuria since 1931|publisher=Royal Institute of International Affairs|location=London, Oxford University Press|chapter=XII. Events in Manchuria, 1945–47|pages=224–5 and pp.227–9 |chapter-url=http://oudl.osmania.ac.in/bitstream/handle/OUDL/13712/216873_Manchuria_Since_1931.pdf?sequence=2 |access-date=17 May 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131219040912/http://oudl.osmania.ac.in/bitstream/handle/OUDL/13712/216873_Manchuria_Since_1931.pdf?sequence=2 |archive-date=19 December 2013}}</ref><ref name = CSM>{{Citation|title=Christian Science Monitor|date=12 October 1945|quote=Japanese armies were guilty of appalling excesses, both in China and elsewhere, and had the Russians dealt harshly with only Japanese nationals in Manchuria this would have appeared as just retribution. But the indiscriminate looting and raping inflicted upon the unoffending Chinese by the Russians naturally aroused the keenest indignation.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://archive.org/details/lastempressmadam00paku_0 |url-access= registration|title=The last empress: Madame Chiang Kai-Shek and the birth of modern China|first=Hannah|last=Pakula|year=2009|publisher=Simon & Schuster|page=[https://archive.org/details/lastempressmadam00paku_0/page/530 530]|isbn=978-1-4391-4893-8 | access-date=28 June 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yCDv67C2BzkC&pg=PA82|title=The Soviet Union and communist China, 1945–1950: the arduous road to the alliance|first=Dieter|last=Heinzig|year=2004|publisher=ME Sharpe|page=82|isbn=978-0-7656-0785-0 | access-date= 28 November 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=falbrObQ11IC&pg=PA86|title=The geopolitics of East Asia: the search for equilibrium|first=Robyn |last=Lim|year=2003|publisher=Psychology Press|page=86|isbn=978-0-415-29717-2 | access-date = 28 November 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9hE2xFxbca0C&pg=PA33|title=In the Ruins of Empire: The Japanese Surrender and the Battle for Postwar Asia |first=Ronald H|last=Spector|year=2008|publisher=Random House|page=33|isbn=978-0-8129-6732-6 | access-date = 28 November 2010}}</ref>

Nowadays however, anti-Russian sentiment in China has greatly downgraded, due to perceived common anti-Western sentiment among Russian and Chinese nationalists.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Comment/Russia-and-China-s-anti-West-partnership-threatens-global-order|title=Russia and China's anti-West partnership threatens global order|website=Nikkei Asia}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=http://theconversation.com/russia-and-china-present-a-united-front-to-the-west-but-theres-plenty-of-potential-for-friction-157934 |title=Russia and China present a united front to the west – but there's plenty of potential for friction|first=Natasha|last=Kuhrt|website=The Conversation|date=29 March 2021 }}</ref> [[Russians in China|Ethnic Russians]] are one of the 56 ethnic groups officially recognized by the [[People's Republic of China]].<ref>Li 2003, p. 100</ref>

==== South Korea ====
A 2020 [[Gallup International Association|Gallup International]] poll had 75% of South Koreans viewing Russia's foreign policy as destabilizing to the world, which was the third highest percentage out of 44 countries surveyed.<ref>{{Cite web|date=December 2020|title=VOICE OF THE PEOPLE Annual Global End of Year Surveys (page 123)|url=https://www.gallup-international.com/fileadmin/user_upload/publications/GIA_Book_2021.pdf |website=[[Gallup International Association]]}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=George Metakides|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=M6xQEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA221|title=Perspectives on Digital Humanism|date=November 23, 2021|publisher=[[Springer Nature]]|isbn=9783030861445 |page=221}}</ref> A [[Morning Consult]] poll finished on February 6, 2022, had South Korean respondents holding a more unfavorable than favorable impression of Russia by a difference of 25% (the second highest percentage in the [[Far East]]).<ref>{{Cite web|date=February 2022|title=Tracking Global Opinion on the Russia-Ukraine Crisis|url=https://go.morningconsult.com/rs/850-TAA-511/images/220210_Ukraine-Crisis-Deck.pdf|website=[[Morning Consult]]}}</ref> Anti-Russia protests against the country's invasion of Ukraine were held in Seoul and [[Gwangju]],<ref>{{Cite web |last=황장진|date=2022-02-28|title=(LEAD) S. Korean civic groups hold anti-Russia protests, call for peace in Ukraine |url=https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20220228007551315|website=[[Yonhap News Agency]]|language=en}}</ref> with one also planned in [[Busan]].<ref>{{Cite web|date=2022-02-28|title=[단독]『우크라 전쟁 반대』부산 러 총영사관에<span class="ltr">50</span>대 난입 시도 |trans-title=[Exclusive] "Against the war in Ukraine" 50 people attempted to storm the Russian Consulate General in Busan|url=https://www.hankookilbo.com/News/Read/A2022022814240003003?t=20220313042554|website=[[Hankook Ilbo]]|language=ko-KR}}</ref>

====Turkey====
{{See also|Russia–Turkey relations|Turkish Straits crisis|History of the Russo-Turkish wars|2015 Russian Sukhoi Su-24 shootdown}}
According to a 2013 survey, 73% of Turks viewed Russia unfavorably against 16% with favorable views.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Poushter|first1=Jacob |title=The Turkish people don't look favorably upon the U.S., or any other country, really|url=http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/10/31/the-turkish-people-dont-look-favorably-upon-the-u-s-or-any-other-country-really/|agency=[[Pew Research Center]]|date=31 October 2014}}</ref> A 2011 [[Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research|SETA]] poll had 51.7% of Turks expressing a negative opinion of Russians compared to 20.7% expressing a positive opinion.<ref>{{Cite web|date=September 29, 2021|title=Türkler kimi sever kimi sevmez?|trans-title=Who do Turks like and who don't?|url=https://www.gazetevatan.com/gundem/turkler-kimi-sever-kimi-sevmez-374739 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220313032845/https://www.gazetevatan.com/gundem/turkler-kimi-sever-kimi-sevmez-374739 |archive-date=March 13, 2022|website=[[Vatan (2002 newspaper)|Vatan]]|language=tr}}</ref> According to a 2012 report, hoteliers in [[Antalya Province|Antalya]] viewed Russian tourists more negatively than tourists from the West.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Moufakkir|first1=Omar|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HbNI6vIWJ9sC&pg=PA58|title=The Host Gaze in Global Tourism|last2=Reisinger|first2=Yvette|date=2012|publisher=[[Centre for Agriculture and Bioscience International|CABI]]|isbn=978-1-78064-114-0|pages=58|language=en}}</ref>

Historically, Russia and Turkey fought several wars and had caused great devastation for each nation. During the old [[Tsardom of Russia]], the Ottomans often raided and attacked Russian villagers. With the transformation into [[Russian Empire]], Russia started to expand and clashed heavily with the Turks; which Russia often won more than lost, and reduced the Ottoman Empire heavily. The series of wars had manifested the ideas among the Turks that Russia wanted to turn Turkey into a vassal state, leading to a high level of Russophobia in Turkey.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/Russo-Turkish-wars|title=Russo-Turkish wars &#124; Russo-Turkish history|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|date=5 July 2024 }}</ref> In the 20th century, anti-Russian sentiment in Turkey was so great that the Russians refused to allow a Turkish military attache to accompany their armies.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Towle|first1=Philip | author-link1 = Philip Towle|year=1980|title=British Assistance to the Japanese Navy during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–5|journal=The Great Circle: Journal of the Australian Association for Maritime History |volume=2|issue=1|pages=44–54|publisher=Australian Association for Maritime History|jstor=41562319}}</ref> After the [[World War I]], both Ottoman and Russian Empires collapsed, and two nations went on plagued by their civil wars; during that time [[Soviet Russia]] (who would later become [[Soviet Union]]) supported [[Turkish War of Independence|Turkish Independence Movement]] led by [[Mustafa Kemal Atatürk|Mustafa Kemal]], leading to a warmer relations between two states, as newly established Turkish Republic maintained a formal tie with the Soviet Union.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://historum.com/asian-history/56728-soviet-financial-aid-turkey-during-independence-war.html|title=Soviet Financial Aid to Turkey during Independence War &#124; History Forum|publisher=Historum.com|date=15 May 2013 |access-date=22 September 2018}}</ref> But their warm relations didn't last long; after the [[World War II]], the [[Turkish Straits crisis|Bosphorus crisis]] occurred at 1946 due to [[Joseph Stalin]]'s demand for a complete Soviet control of the straits led to resurgence of Russophobia in Turkey.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://moneyweek.com/7-august-1946-turkish-straits-crisis-reaches-its-climax/|title=7 August 1946: Turkish Straits crisis reaches its climax|website=MoneyWeek|date=7 August 2014}}</ref>

Anti-Russian sentiment started to increase again since 2011, following the event of the [[Syrian Civil War]]. Russia supports the Government of [[Bashar al-Assad]], while Turkey supports the [[Free Syrian Army]] and had many times announced their intentions to overthrow Assad, once again strained the relations.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/28/world/europe/turkey-is-sheltering-antigovernment-syrian-militia.html|title=Turkey Shelters Anti-Assad Group, the Free Syrian Army|first=Liam|last=Stack|work=The New York Times |date=27 October 2011 }}</ref> Relations between the two went further downhill after a [[2015 Russian Sukhoi Su-24 shootdown|Russian jet was shot down by a Turkish jet]],<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-34912581|title=Turkey's downing of Russian warplane – what we know|work=BBC News|date=1 December 2015}}</ref> flaring that Russia wanted to invade Turkey over Assad's demand; and different interests in Syria. Turkish media have promoted Russophobic news about Russian ambitions in Syria, and this has been the turning point of remaining poor relations although two nations have tried to re-approach their differences. Turkish military operations in Syria against Russia and Assad-backed forces also damage the relations deeply.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/turkey-syria-idlib-troops-assad-rebels-support-a7991691.html |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220507/https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/turkey-syria-idlib-troops-assad-rebels-support-a7991691.html |archive-date=2022-05-07 |url-access=subscription |url-status=live|title=Turkish troops have entered Syria in a major operation to support anti-Assad rebels|date=9 October 2017|website=The Independent}}{{cbignore}}</ref>

==Business==
On 27 July 2006, ''[[The New York Times]]'' quoted the analysts as saying that many Western investors still think that anything to do with Russia is ''"a little bit doubtful and dubious"'' while others look at Russia in ''"comic book terms, as mysterious and mafia-run."''<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/2006/06/27/business/worldbusiness/27fear.html Russian Politicians See Russophobia in Arcelor's Decision to Go With Mittal Steel], by ''The New York Times'' 27 July 2006</ref>

==See also==
* [[Anti-Slavic sentiment]]
* [[Anti-Sovietism]]
* [[German atrocities committed against Soviet prisoners of war]]
* [[Rashism]]

==References==
{{reflist}}

==Further reading==
===18th and 19th centuries===
* {{cite book |last=Adamovsky |first=Ezequiel |title=Euro-orientalism: Liberal Ideology and the Image of Russia in France (c. 1740–1880) |year=2006 |publisher=Peter Lang |isbn=978-3-03910-516-8}}
* {{cite journal |last=Ardeleanu |first=Constantin |title=Russophobia, Free Trade and Maritime Insecurity |journal=The European Commission of the Danube, 1856–1948 |year=2020 |pages=29–49 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1163/j.ctv2gjwwx1.6 |publisher=Brill|doi=10.1163/9789004425965_003 |jstor=10.1163/j.ctv2gjwwx1.6 |isbn=9789004412538 }}
* {{cite web |last=Cybowski |first=Milosz |title=Growling the very purest Russian: Punch and Tsar Nicholas I's visit to London in 1844 |website=The Victorianist: British Association of Victorian Studies Postgraduate Pages |year=2017 |url=https://victorianist.wordpress.com/2017/09/04/growling-the-very-purest-russian-punch-and-tsar-nicholas-is-visit-to-london-in-1844/}}
* {{cite journal |last=Kutolowski |first=John F |title=Mid-Victorian Public Opinion, Polish Propaganda, and the Uprising of 1863 |journal=Journal of British Studies |date=May 1969 |volume=8 |issue=2 |pages=86–110 |doi=10.1086/385572 |jstor=175218 |s2cid=146409495 |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/175218 |issn=0021-9371}}
* {{cite journal |last=McNally |first=Raymond T. |title=The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812–1830 |journal=American Slavic and East European Review |year=1958 |volume=17 |issue=2 |pages=173–189 |doi=10.2307/3004165 |jstor=3004165}}
* {{cite journal |last=Peaker |first=Carol |title=We are not Barbarians: Literature and the Russian Émigré Press in England, 1890–1905 |journal=19: Interdisciplinary Studies in the Long Nineteenth Century |year=2006 |issue=3 |doi=10.16995/ntn.451 |doi-access=free }}
* {{cite journal |last=Resis |first=Albert |title=Russophobia and the 'Testament' of Peter the Great, 1812–1980 |journal=Slavic Review |year=1985 |volume=44 |issue=4 |pages=681–693 |doi=10.2307/2498541|jstor=2498541 |s2cid=159838885 }} A forgery—fake plan for Russia to win world domination through conquest of the Near and Middle East; designed to cause Russophobia
* {{cite book |last=Wolff |first=Larry |title=Inventing Eastern Europe |year=1994 |publisher=Stanford University Press |isbn=0-8047-2702-3}} Views in Enlightenment-era Europe

===20th century, Soviet period===
* {{cite journal |last=Doerr |first=Paul W. |title='Frigid but Unprovocative': British Policy towards the USSR from the Nazi-Soviet Pact to the Winter War, 1939 |journal=Journal of Contemporary History |year=2001 |volume=36 |issue=3 |pages=423–439 |doi=10.1177/002200940103600302}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gamache |first=Ray |title=Contextualizing FDR's Campaign to Recognize the Soviet Union, 1932–1933 |journal=Harvard Ukrainian Studies |year=2020 |volume=37 |issue=3/4 |pages=287–322 |jstor=48626497}}
* {{cite book |last=Glantz |first=Mary E. |title=FDR and the Soviet Union: The President's Battles over Foreign Policy |year=2005 |publisher=University Press of Kansas |isbn=978-0-7006-1365-6 |url=http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=12701}}
* {{cite journal |last=Grybkauskas |first=Saulius |title=Anti-Soviet protests and the localism of the Baltic republics' nomenklatura: Explaining the interaction |journal=Journal of Baltic Studies |year=2018 |volume=49 |issue=4 |pages=447–462 |doi=10.1080/01629778.2018.1492944}}
* {{cite journal |last=Hassner |first=Pierre |title=Western European perceptions of the USSR |journal=Daedalus |year=1979 |volume=108 |issue=1 |pages=113–150 |jstor=20024599}}
* {{cite journal |last=Richman |first=Alvin |title=Poll Trends: Changing American Attitudes Toward the Soviet Union |journal=The Public Opinion Quarterly |date=Spring 1991 |volume=55 |issue=1 |pages=135–148 |doi=10.1086/269246 |jstor=2749146 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2749146}}
* {{cite journal |last=Sontag |first=John P. |title=The Soviet war scare of 1926–27 |journal=Russian Review |year=1975 |volume=34 |issue=1 |pages=66–77 |doi=10.2307/127760 |jstor=127760}}
* {{cite book |last=Stern |first=Ludmila |title=Western Intellectuals and the Soviet Union, 1920–40: From Red Square to the Left Bank |year=2006 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9780415545853}}
* {{cite book |last=Suny |first=Ronald |title=Reading Russia and the Soviet Union in the twentieth century: how the 'West' wrote its history of the USSR |year=2006 |pages=5–64 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |doi=10.1017/CHOL9780521811446.003 |isbn=978-1-139-05409-6 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/cambridge-history-of-russia/reading-russia-and-the-soviet-union-in-the-twentieth-century-how-the-west-wrote-its-history-of-the-ussr/28D28FC4CE401628452EE33674373621}}
* {{cite journal |last=Wilson |first=Tony |title=Russophobia and New Zealand-Russian Relations, 1900s to 1939 |journal=New Zealand Slavonic Journal |year=1999 |pages=273–296 |jstor=40922035}}

===Contemporary===
====Russia====
* {{cite journal |last=Borenstein |first=Eliot |title=Everybody Hates Russia: On the Uses of Conspiracy Theory under Putin |journal=Social Research: An International Quarterly |date=September 2022 |volume=89 |issue=3 |pages=811–829 |doi=10.1353/sor.2022.0055 |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/1/article/867521/summary}}
* {{cite book |last=Borenstein |first=Eliot |title=Plots against Russia: conspiracy and fantasy after socialism |year=2019 |publisher=Cornell University Press |isbn=978-1-5017-1633-1}}

====Georgia====
* {{cite journal |last=Buzogány |first=Aron |title=Europe, Russia, or both? Popular perspectives on overlapping regionalism in the Southern Caucasus |journal=East European Politics |year=2019 |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=93–109 |doi=10.1080/21599165.2019.1588117 |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331528884}}
* {{cite journal |last1=Kakachia |first1=Kornely |last2=Minesashvili |first2=Salome |last3=Kakhishvili |first3=Levan |title=Change and Continuity in the Foreign Policies of Small States: Elite Perceptions and Georgia's Foreign Policy Towards Russia |journal=Europe-Asia Studies |year=2018 |volume=70 |issue=5 |pages=814–831 |doi=10.1080/09668136.2018.1480751 |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/325856452}}

====Rest of Europe and USA====
* {{Cite web |last=De Lauri |first=Antonio |title=Militarisation, racism and Russophobia: What the war in Ukraine produces and reveals |work=Norwegian Centre for Humanitarian Studies |url=https://www.humanitarianstudies.no/militarisation-racism-and-russophobia-what-the-war-in-ukraine-produces-and-reveals/ |date=7 March 2022 }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Nitoiu |first=Cristian |title=Towards conflict or cooperation? The Ukraine crisis and EU-Russia relations |journal=Southeast European and Black Sea Studies |date=2016 |volume=16 |issue=3 |pages=375–390 |url=http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67022/1/EU_Russia%20relations_2016.pdf |doi=10.1080/14683857.2016.1193305}}
* {{Cite book |last=Wells |first=Audrey |title=The Importance of Forgiveness and the Futility of Revenge |chapter=Russophobia: The Ukraine Conflict, the Skripal Affair |series=Contributions to International Relations |editor=The Importance of Forgiveness and the Futility of Revenge |publisher=Springer, Cham |year=2022 |pages=55–64 |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-87552-7_8|isbn=978-3-030-87551-0 }}

;By country
* {{Cite book |last=Faryno |first=Jerzy |author2=Roman Bobryk |title=Polacy w oczach Rosjan — Rosjanie w oczach Polaków. Поляки глазами русских — русские глазами поляков. Zbiór studiów |publisher=Slawistyczny Ośrodek Wydawniczy Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk |location=Warszawa |year=2000 |isbn=83-86619-93-7 |language=pl, ru}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Roberts |first=K. |year=2020 |title=Russophobia in the Obama Era Foreign Policy Discourse (2009—2017) |journal=Vestnik RUDN. International Relations |volume=20 |issue=3 |pages=476–490 |doi=10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-476-490|doi-access=free }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Taras |first=Raymond |title=Russia resurgent, Russophobia in decline? Polish perceptions of relations with the Russian Federation 2004–2012 |journal=Europe-Asia Studies |date=2014 |volume=66 |issue=5 |pages=710–734 |doi=10.1080/09668136.2014.898432}}

===Historical by country===
;Asia
* {{Cite journal |last=Kim |first=Taewoo |title=The Intensification of Russophobia in Korea from Late Chosŏn to the Colonial Period: Focusing on the Role of Japan |journal=Seoul Journal of Korean Studies |year=2018 |volume=31 |issue=1 |pages=21–46 |doi=10.1353/seo.2018.0002}}

;Western Europe
* {{Cite journal |last=Luostarinen |first=Heikki |title=Finnish Russophobia: The story of an enemy image |journal=Journal of Peace Research |year=1989 |volume=26 |issue=2 |pages=123–137 |doi=10.1177/0022343389026002002}}

===General sources===
* {{Cite book |last=Diesen |first=Glenn |chapter=The Foundational Stereotypes of Anti-Russian Propaganda |title=Russophobia |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore |year=2022 |pages=45–82 |doi=10.1007/978-981-19-1468-3_3|isbn=978-981-19-1467-6 }}
* {{Cite book |last=Feklyunina |first=Valentina |chapter=Constructing Russophobia |editor=Ray Taras |title=Russia's Identity in International Relations |publisher=Routledge |year=2012 |pages=102–120 |isbn=978-0-415-52058-4}}
* {{Cite book |last=Mettan |first=Guy |title=Creating Russophobia: From the Great Religious Schism to Anti-Putin Hysteria |publisher=Clarity Press |year=2017 |isbn=978-0-9978965-5-8}}
* {{Cite book |last=Tsygankov |first=Andrei |title=Russophobia: Anti-Russian lobby and American foreign policy |publisher=Springer |year=2009 |doi=10.1057/9780230620957|isbn=978-1-349-37841-8 }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Wheeler |first=G. E. |title=Russophobia in the western world: A brief case history |journal=Asian Affairs |year=1984 |volume=15 |issue=2 |pages=138–143 |doi=10.1080/03068378408730143 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03068378408730143}}

==External links==
{{commons category-inline|Anti-Russian sentiment}}
{{Wikiquote-inline|Anti-Russian sentiment}}
{{Russian nationalism}}
{{Russian invasion of Ukraine}}

[[Category:Anti-Russian sentiment| ]]