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==Fourteenth Amendment==

==Fourteenth Amendment==

{{main article|Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution}}

{{main article|Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution}}

The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was proposed by Congress on June 13, 1866.<ref name="dates" /> By July 9, 1868, it had received ratification by the legislatures of the required number of states in order to officially become the Fourteenth Amendment.<ref name="dates" /> On July 20, 1868, Secretary of State William Seward certified that it had been ratified and added to the federal Constitution.<ref>{{Cite web|title=A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774 - 1875|url=https://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=015/llsl015.db&recNum=740|access-date=2020-08-21|website=memory.loc.gov|archive-date=December 30, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201230082355/https://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=015%2Fllsl015.db&recNum=740|url-status=live}}</ref> The amendment addresses citizenship rights and equal protection of the laws and was proposed in response to issues related to the treatment of [[freedmen]] following the war. The amendment was bitterly contested, particularly by Southern states, which were forced to ratify it in order to return their delegations to Congress. The Fourteenth Amendment is one of the most litigated parts of the Constitution, forming the basis for landmark decisions such as ''[[Roe v. Wade]]'' (1973), regarding abortion, and ''[[Bush v. Gore]]'' (2000), regarding the [[2000 United States presidential election|2000 presidential election]].<ref>{{ussc|name=Roe v. Wade|410|113|1973}}.</ref><ref>{{ussc|name=Bush v. Gore|531|98|2000}}.</ref>

The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was proposed by Congress on June 13, 1866.<ref name="dates" /> By July 9, 1868, it had received ratification by the legislatures of the required number of states in order to officially become the Fourteenth Amendment.<ref name="dates" /> On July 20, 1868, Secretary of State William Seward certified that it had been ratified and added to the federal Constitution.<ref>{{Cite web|title=A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774 - 1875|url=https://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=015/llsl015.db&recNum=740|access-date=2020-08-21|website=memory.loc.gov|archive-date=December 30, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201230082355/https://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=015%2Fllsl015.db&recNum=740|url-status=live}}</ref>The amendment addresses citizenship rights and equal protection of the laws and was proposed in response to issues related to the treatment of [[freedmen]] following the war. The amendment was bitterly contested, particularly by Southern states, which were forced to ratify it in order to return their delegations to Congress. The Fourteenth Amendment is one of the most litigated parts of the Constitution, forming the basis for landmark decisions such as ''[[Roe v. Wade]]'' (1973), regarding abortion, and ''[[Bush v. Gore]]'' (2000), regarding the [[2000 United States presidential election|2000 presidential election]].<ref>{{ussc|name=Roe v. Wade|410|113|1973}}.</ref><ref>{{ussc|name=Bush v. Gore|531|98|2000}}.</ref>

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Beginning around 1900, states in the former Confederacy passed new constitutions and other laws that incorporated methods to [[Disfranchisement after Reconstruction era|disenfranchise blacks]], such as [[poll tax (United States)|poll taxes]], residency rules, and [[literacy tests]] administered by white staff, sometimes with exemptions for whites via [[grandfather clauses]].<ref name="JervisUSAToday" /> When challenges reached the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]], it interpreted the amendment narrowly, ruling based on the stated intent of the laws rather than their practical effect. The results in voter suppression were dramatic, as voter rolls fell: nearly all blacks, as well as tens of thousands of poor whites in Alabama and other states,<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Disfranchisement Myth Poor Whites and Suffrage Restriction in Alabama|last=Feldman |first=Glenn|date=2004|publisher=University of Georgia Press|pages=135|oclc = 474353255}}</ref> were forced off the voter registration rolls and out of the political system, effectively excluding millions of people from representation.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Pildes |first=Richard H. |date=2000-07-13 |title=Democracy, Anti-Democracy, and the Canon |url=https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=224731 |url-status=live |journal=Constitutional Commentary |language=en |location=Rochester, NY |volume=17 |pages=295–319 |doi=10.2139/ssrn.224731 |ssrn=224731 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201230082406/https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=224731 |archive-date=December 30, 2020 |access-date=December 30, 2020 |hdl-access=free |hdl=11299/168068}}</ref>

Beginning around 1900, states in the former Confederacy passed new constitutions and other laws that incorporated methods to [[Disfranchisement after Reconstruction era|disenfranchise blacks]], such as [[poll tax (United States)|poll taxes]], residency rules, and [[literacy tests]] administered by white staff, sometimes with exemptions for whites via [[grandfather clauses]].<ref name="JervisUSAToday" /> When challenges reached the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]], it interpreted the amendment narrowly, ruling based on the stated intent of the laws rather than their practical effect. The results in voter suppression were dramatic, as voter rolls fell: nearly all blacks, as well as tens of thousands of poor whites in Alabama and other states,<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Disfranchisement Myth Poor Whites and Suffrage Restriction in Alabama|last=Feldman |first=Glenn|date=2004|publisher=University of Georgia Press|pages=135|oclc = 474353255}}</ref> were forced off the voter registration rolls and out of the political system, effectively excluding millions of people from representation.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Pildes |first=Richard H. |date=2000-07-13 |title=Democracy, Anti-Democracy, and the Canon |url=https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=224731 |url-status=live |journal=Constitutional Commentary |language=en |location=Rochester, NY |volume=17 |pages=295–319 |doi=10.2139/ssrn.224731 |ssrn=224731 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201230082406/https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=224731 |archive-date=December 30, 2020 |access-date=December 30, 2020 |hdl-access=free |hdl=11299/168068}}</ref>



In the twentieth century, the Court interpreted the amendment more broadly, striking down grandfather clauses in ''[[Guinn v. United States]]'' (1915).<ref>{{Ussc|volume=238|page=347|year=1915|name=Guinn v. United States|link=Guinn v. United States}}</ref> It took a quarter-century to finally dismantle the white primary system in the "[[Texas primary cases]]" (1927–1953). With the South having become a one-party{{which|date=May 2023}} region after the disenfranchisement of blacks, [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] primaries were the only competitive contests in those states.{{explain|date=May 2023}} But Southern states reacted rapidly to Supreme Court decisions, often devising new ways to continue to exclude blacks from voter rolls and voting; most blacks in the South did not gain the ability to vote until after the passage of the mid-1960s federal civil rights legislation and the beginning of federal oversight of voter registration and district boundaries. The [[Twenty-fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Twenty-fourth Amendment]] (1964) forbade the requirement for poll taxes in federal elections; by this time five of the eleven southern states continued to require such taxes. Together with the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in ''[[Harper v. Virginia State Board of Elections]]'' (1966), which forbade requiring poll taxes in state elections, blacks regained the opportunity to participate in the U.S. political system.<ref>{{Ussc|volume=383|page=663|year=1966|name=Harper v. Virginia Bd. of Elections|link=Harper v. Virginia State Board of Elections}}</ref>

In the twentieth century, the Court interpreted the amendment more broadly, striking down grandfather clauses in ''[[Guinn v. United States]]'' (1915).<ref>{{Ussc|volume=238|page=347|year=1915|name=Guinn v. United States|link=Guinn v. United States}}</ref> It took a quarter-century to finally dismantle the white primary system in the "[[Texas primary cases]]" (1927–1953). With the South having become a one-party{{which?|date=May 2023}} region after the disenfranchisement of blacks, [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] primaries were the only competitive contests in those states.{{explain|date=May 2023}} But Southern states reacted rapidly to Supreme Court decisions, often devising new ways to continue to exclude blacks from voter rolls and voting; most blacks in the South did not gain the ability to vote until after the passage of the mid-1960s federal civil rights legislation and the beginning of federal oversight of voter registration and district boundaries. The [[Twenty-fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Twenty-fourth Amendment]] (1964) forbade the requirement for poll taxes in federal elections; by this time five of the eleven southern states continued to require such taxes. Together with the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in ''[[Harper v. Virginia State Board of Elections]]'' (1966), which forbade requiring poll taxes in state elections, blacks regained the opportunity to participate in the U.S. political system.<ref>{{Ussc|volume=383|page=663|year=1966|name=Harper v. Virginia Bd. of Elections|link=Harper v. Virginia State Board of Elections}}</ref>



== Erosion, litigation, and scope ==

== Erosion, litigation, and scope ==

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