| Western Ojibwa | |
|---|---|
| Nakawēmowin ᓇᐦᑲᐌᒧᐎᓐ | |
| Native to | Canada |
| Region | southern Manitoba, southern Saskatchewan |
| Ethnicity | Saulteaux |
Native speakers | 10,000 (2002)[1] |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | ojw |
| Glottolog | west1510 |
| ELP | Saulteaux |
Saulteau is classified as Vulnerable by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger | |
| This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA. | |
Western Ojibwa (also known as Nakawēmowin (ᓇᐦᑲᐌᒧᐎᓐ), Saulteaux, and Plains Ojibwa) is a dialect of the Ojibwe language, a member of the Algonquian language family. It is spoken by the Saulteaux, a subnation of the Ojibwe people, in southern Manitoba and southern Saskatchewan, Canada, west of Lake Winnipeg.[3] Saulteaux is generally used by its speakers, and Nakawēmowin is the general term in the language itself.[4]
Genetically, Ojibwa is part of the Algonquian language family. This language family includes languages like Mi'kmaq, Abenaki, Malecite, Potawatomi, Delaware, Montagnais-Naskapi, Cree, and Blackfoot in Canada.[5] Menomini, Fox, Shawnee and Cheyenne are spoken in the United States.[5] Yurok and Wiyot, also known as the Ritwan languages in old literature, that were once spoken in California are also relatives with Algonquian language family. Despite the geographic distance, these two languages make part of the Algic language family with the Algonquian languages.[6]
Randolph Valentine (2000) divides Ojibwa into two major dialect groups: a southern group and a northern group. The southern dialect group includes Saulteaux in southern Manitoba and southern Saskatchewan; Ojibwa in most of Ontario, Manitoulin Island and Georgian Bay; Ottawa or Odawa in southern Ontario; and finally Chippewa in North Dakota, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. The northern dialect group includes Oji-Cree in northern Ontario and Algonquin in Western Quebec.[6][7]
Leonard Bloomfield (1946) was able to reconstruct the phonology system and some of the morphology of Proto-Algonquian through the comparison of cognates from four languages: Fox, Cree, Menomini, and Ojibwa.[8]
| Language | 'he walks along' | 'he fears it' | 'he narrates' |
|---|---|---|---|
| Proto-Algonquian | *pemohθeewa | *koqtamwa | *aacimowa |
| Fox | pemoseewa | kohtamwa | aacimowa |
| Cree | pimohteew | kostam | aacimow |
| Menomini | pemoohnɛw | koqtam | aacemow |
| Ojibwa | pimossee | kottank | aacimo |
| Language | 'Mary's older brother is sleeping' |
|---|---|
| Central Ojibwa/Odawa | Nbaawan Maaniinh wsayenyan |
| Western Ojibwa/Saulteaux | Nibaawan Maanii osayenzan |
| Swampy Cree | Nipâniwa Mânî ostesa |
In comparison to other eastern tribes, the Ojibwa have suffered the least population loss at the time of European contact. With the number of their peoples and early acquisition of rifles, the Ojibwa were a powerful political force during the early period of the fur trade.[11]
It was common for small groups to go onto the Plains to exploit the hunt and then return to the Woodland area. They would hunt moose, elk, and other forest game. As a result, they gradually advanced north and west from their Red River base, following the forest edge. The bison hunt also became incorporated into the cycle of seasonal exploitation for many of the Ojibwa family groups.[12]
The small groups of Plains Ojibwa are called the Saulteaux. This name derives from French and refers to those that gathered around the falls – specifically the Sault Ste. Marie area of modern Ontario and Michigan. They defeated the Cheyenne in the 1700s and occupied southern Manitoba and southern Saskatchewan when the fur trade died out. They were entrenched as a plains Indian group with the signing of the Number Treaties in the 1870s.[12][13]
Neither Western Ojibwa or any dialect of Ojibwa has official status in North America.
The Ojibwa-speaking regions are found mainly to the south of Cree-speaking regions in Canada.[14]
The exact number of current Saulteaux dialect speakers is unknown. However, there are several Saulteaux communities found in southern Manitoba and southern Saskatchewan.
Saulteaux has twenty-four phonemic segments – seventeen consonants and seven vowels.[15]
The consonants are four resonants and thirteen obstruents. The resonant nasals are labial /m/ and alveolar /n/. The resonant glides are labio-velar /w/ and palatal /y/. Western Ojibwa has the glottal stop /ʔ/, not /h/.[15]
| Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Plosive/Affricate | Fortis | pː ⟨hp⟩ | tː ⟨ht⟩ | t͡ʃː ⟨hč⟩ | kː ⟨hk⟩ | ʔ ⟨h⟩ |
| Lenis | p~b ⟨p⟩ | t~d ⟨t⟩ | t͡ʃ~d͡ʒ ⟨č⟩ | k~g ⟨k⟩ | ||
| Fricative | Fortis | sː ⟨hs⟩ | ʃː ⟨hš⟩ | |||
| Lenis | s~z ⟨s⟩ | ʃ~ʒ ⟨š⟩ | ||||
| Nasal | m ⟨m⟩ | n ⟨n⟩ | (ŋ ⟨n⟩)[a] | |||
| Glide | w ⟨w⟩ | j ⟨y⟩ | ||||
According to Logan (2001), lenis consonants are voiced between vowels (i.e., V_V) and between nasals and vowels (i.e., N_V). Fortis consonants are sometimes either preaspirated, preglottalized, or extended.[17]
The vowels are divided into three short vowels and four long vowels.[18]
| Front | Back | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Short | Long | Short | Long | |
| High | ɪ ⟨i⟩ | iː ⟨î⟩ | ʊ ⟨o⟩ | oː ⟨ô⟩ |
| Low | eː ⟨ê⟩ | ʌ ⟨a⟩ | aː ⟨â⟩ | |
Western Ojibwa is non-syncopating which means that weak vowels are not deleted according to metrical position.[20]
Short vowels are treated different in the Ojibwa dialects. In Saulteaux, tensing does not occur with initial short vowels. They also do not shift to /a/.[20]
Nasal vowels are becoming denasalized; however, vowels may be nasalized before a nasal followed by a sibilant, i.e. in the phonotactically permissible sequences /ns/, /nz/, and /nzh/.[20]
After a long vowel and before s or ʃ, /n/ is not pronounced the same as elsewhere, instead the preceding vowel is given a nasalized sound.[20]
Valentine (1994) found the following phonological properties of Western Ojibwa:[7]
Typologically, Saulteaux is an agglutinatingorpolysynthetic language which means that it relies heavily on affixation to express meaning. As is the case with languages that have active morphology, word order in this language is not as rigid as English.[20]
There is no distinction between masculine and feminine – instead there is a distinction between items that are animate and those that are inanimate. The animate category includes all human beings and animals. Some items that are neither human nor animal are still considered animate—e.g., rock, pipe, raspberries, pants. Even across different Saulteaux dialects, 'strawberry' fluctuates in its animacy. This may be related to the practice of a "Strawberry Dance" by certain communities. The gender of an entity is important because for many morphemes, the language uses gender-specific morphology that distinguishes the animate from the inanimate.[21]
| Animate | Inanimate |
|---|---|
| inini 'man' | cîmân 'boat' |
| sakimê 'mosquito' | wâwan 'egg' |
| asikan 'sock' | masinahikan 'book' |
| miskomin 'raspberry' | otêhimin 'strawberry' |
This is a topic strategy for showing prominence between third persons within a discourse environment. Within a predication one animate third person will be the proximate and any other animate third persons will be obligatorily designated as the obviative.[23]
The suffix –an is the obviative marker:
Animohš-∅
dog-PROX
owâpamân
sees
pôsîns-an.
cat-OBV
Animohš-∅ owâpamân pôsîns-an.
dog-PROX sees cat-OBV
The dog sees a cat.[24]
Animohš-an
cat-PROX
owâpamân
sees
pôsîns-∅.
dog-OBV
Animohš-an owâpamân pôsîns-∅.
cat-PROX sees dog-OBV
The cat sees a dog.[25]
Ojibwa verbs also mark whether the action is direct or inverse. In the first two examples the action takes place directly, where the proximate is acting upon the obviative. This direction can be inverted meaning that the verb marks when the obviative is acting on the proximate by using the inverse morpheme –ikô-:
Animohš-∅
dog-PROX
owâpamikôn
see.INV
pôsîns-an
cat-OBV
Animohš-∅ owâpamikôn pôsîns-an
dog-PROX see.INV cat-OBV
The dog is seen by a cat.[25]
So the –an morpheme is something entirely different from an accusative marker.[25]
There is also a person hierarchy, as a result, showing the "preferred" person to use in Saulteaux discourse is the second person, followed by the first person, and finally the third person. The third person can show the proximate (the unmarked category), the obviative, the highly marked further obviative that is reserved for non-prominent third persons acting or being acted upon by the obviative.[20]
Valentine (1994) found the following morphological properties for Western Ojibwa:[7]
Saulteaux is a non-configurational language which means that it has free word order. A fully inflected verb constitutes a sentence or clause on its own with the subject, object, aspect and other notions expressed through the verbal morphology. The language dialect uses pronominals to express the arguments of the verb and any overt nouns (ordeterminer phrases (DPs)) that further refer to these entities are just adjuncts of the verb. The overt DPs are actually not necessary as they just repeat information and relationships already marked on the verb. As a result, the occurrence of DPs referring to the arguments of verbs is optional and often left out.[26]
Joe ominwênimân Maryan.
Joe-∅
Joe-OBV
o-minwênim-â-n
3.OBV-like-DIR-3.SG.PROX
Mary-an.
Mary-PROX
Joe-∅ o-minwênim-â-n Mary-an.
Joe-OBV 3.OBV-like-DIR-3.SG.PROX Mary-PROX
Joe likes Mary.[26]
The thematic information is applied verb-internally and not at the sentence level and so the affixes and clitics are arguments. The verb ominwênimân by itself already shows that someone likes another person. The verb is from the third person set of the VTA (transitive animate verb) order and is inflected for a direct action. We can see that the proximate is acting on the obviative as Joe is not marked and Mary is marked with the obviative marker –an.[27]
Saulteaux's word order, however, would be better described as VO(S) to show the rare appearance of an overt subject, but that it does occur finally most often when it does appear.[28]
The language is written using the Standard Roman Orthography (SRO). Some people use double vowels to represent long vowels while others lengthen the vowels by adding either a macron accent (⟨^⟩) (⟨â, ê, î, ô, û⟩) or acute accent (⟨´⟩) (⟨á, é, í, ó, ú⟩).[20]
| Western Ojibwa | English |
|---|---|
| Aaniin, boozhoo! | Hello: How are you? |
| Nimino-ayaa | I am fine |
| Mino-giizhigad/ Mino-giizhigan |
It's a nice day |
| Gizhaaganaashiim ina? | Do you speak English? |
| Gaawiin | No, none, negative |
| Miinange | Yes, definitely |
| Eya' | Yes, yeah |
| Enange | Of course, I agree |
| Amanj, namanj | 'I don't know' |
| Miigwech | Thank you |
| Ambe | Come |
| Aaniin ezhinikaazoyin? | What is your name? |
| _________ ndizhinikaaz | My name is _________ |
| Giin dash? | And you? |
Some notable researchers who documented the Ojibwa dialect are:
