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Contents

   



(Top)
 


1 Orthography  





2 Phonology  



2.1  Consonants  





2.2  Vowels  







3 Morphology and syntax  



3.1  Basic intransitive clause structure  





3.2  Intransitive person markers  





3.3  Plural ilš  





3.4  Determiners  





3.5  Basic transitive clause structure  





3.6  Transitivizers  



3.6.1  The lone -t and directive -nt transitivizers  





3.6.2  Causative transitivizer -st(u)  





3.6.3  Applicative transitivizers  





3.6.4  Possessor applicative transitivizer -łt  





3.6.5  Benefactive applicative transitivizer -š(i)t  





3.6.6  Dative applicative transitivizer -tułt  







3.7  Transitive person markers  



3.7.1  Transitive object examples  





3.7.2  Non-topic ergative object examples  





3.7.3  Ergative transitive subject examples  





3.7.4  Genitive pronoun examples  





3.7.5  Predicate pronominal examples  







3.8  Aspect  





3.9  Tense  







4 References  





5 External links  














Coeur d'Alene language






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Coeur d'Alene
Snchitsu’umshtsn
Native toUnited States of America
Regionnorthern Idaho
EthnicityCoeur d'Alene people

Native speakers

4 (2007)[1]

Language family

Salishan

Language codes
ISO 639-3crd
Glottologcoeu1236
ELPCoeur d'Alene
Coeur d'Alene is classified as Critically Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger

Coeur d'Alene (Cœur d'Alène, Snchitsu’umshtsn) is a Salishan language. It was spoken by only two of the 80 individuals in the Coeur d'Alene Tribe on the Coeur d'Alene Reservation in northern Idaho, United States in 1999.[2] It is considered an endangered language. However, as of 2014, two elders in their 90s remain who grew up with Cœur d'Alène as their first language, and the use of the language is spreading among all age groups.[3]

The Coeur d'Alene Names-Places Project visits geographic sites on the reservation recording video, audio, and still photos of Tribal elders who describe the site in both English and Coeur d'Alene languages.[4]

The Coeur d'Alene Tribal Language Program and elders have actively promoted the use of the language,[5][6] and have created computer sounds that use Snchitsu’umshtsn phrases.[7] Radio station KWIS FM 88.3 in Plummer, Idaho offers programming to preserve the Snchitsu’umshtsn language.[3][8]

Lawrence Nicodemus, "a retired judge and former tribal council member," [3] became a scholar of the language. He had worked with linguist Gladys Reichard in his youth, and went on to create a grammar, dictionary, and instructional materials. Nicodemus taught language classes until his death at age 94. The Coeur d'Alene Tribe's language program has "taught classes and worked with the language department to record more than 2,000 hours of audio and video."[3] Classes are also available at North Idaho College.

Orthography[edit]

There are three different orthographies, giving the interpretations of previous scholarly works. Coeur d'Alene examples have been taken from the works of Nicodemus et al.[9] as well as from the COLRC website.[10]

Coeur d'Alene Orthographies (Doak and Montler 2000 modified)[11]
Salishan/LPO Nicodemus/Bitar Reichard English examples Coeur d'Alene examples[9]
Nicodemus Translation
a a a father ansh angel
e e ä, ê yes esel two
I i i machine hsil five
o o ɔ law hoy Quit it!
u u u Jupiter upen ten
ə no form ᴇ,ι, ụ sofa
p p p spill pipe’ father
sp’it’m bitterroot
b b b boy bins beans
m m m mom mus four
ʼm
w w w wagon wi’ he/she shouted
ʼw s'wa’ cougar
t t t star sti’m what
t'ish sugar
d d d dog tmidus tomatoes
n n n now nune' mother
ʼn 'nitshn hotel
s s s sun sikwe’ water
c ts ts tsitsi fly tsunchtm seven
tsʼ ts’ ts’or salt/sour
š sh c shell shenn he/she worked
ǰ j dj jar lejp he/she was stabbed
č ch tc church chche’ye’ mother’s mother
čʼ ch’ tc’
y y y yard speyiy enjoyment
ʼy 'yitsh sleeping [Noun]
ɡʷ ɡw, ɡu ɡw, ɡu linguist Gwich he/she saw
kw, k, ku, ko kʷ, ku queen skwitstm morning
kʼʷ kʼw, kʼu, kʼo kʼʷ, kʼu, kʼụ
khw, khu, kho xʷ, xu *tsetkhw house
q q q qine’ father’s mother
q’ q’ q’
qw, qu, qo ‘oqws she/she drank
qʼʷ q’w, qʼu, qʼo qʼʷ, qʼu *sq’wtu Cataldo
qh
x̣ʷ qhw, qhu, qho x̣ʷ *qhwatqhwat duck
l l l like lut no/not
ʼl
ɬ ł ł
r r r far Sharshart difficult
ʼr
ʕ (, ) R st(in antelope
ʕʼ ʼ(, ʼ) '(ewp it dripped
ʕʷ (w, (u (wi(lsh he/she vomited
ʕʼʷ ʼ(w, uʼ( ṛʼʷ
ʔ ʼ ʼ uh-uh tso'ot he/she sobbed
h h h hen hiskwist my name

Notes on writing systems

  1. LPO, the linguistic phonetic orthography, is a third orthographic system based on a variant of the American Phonetic Alphabet (with some symbols shared with the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA)). Many Salishan scholars, such as Lyon Greenwood, call the LPO orthography the Salishan orthography. This system will also be used by the Coeur d'Alene Dictionaries Project in conjunction with the Bitar system.[11]
  2. Bitar is another name referring to Lawrence Nicodemus's orthography.[11] Lawrence Nicodemus was one of Gladys Reichard's language consultants, and in collaboration with Joseph Bitar of the Southwest Research Associates of Albuquerque, he created a second orthography, which is less accurate phonetically but reflects the native speaker's interpretation of the sounds, symbols, and words of Coeur d'Alene.[11]
  3. Gladys Reichard and James Teit, students of Franz Boas. Reichard conducted early scholarly work of the Coeur d'Alene. Reichard and Teit developed an orthographic system, slightly varied from the Boasian system, which was consistent with phonetic transcriptions of native speakers Reichard worked with as well as consistent with transcriptions from Teit's previous data. This system has come to be known as the Reichard orthography.[11]
  4. In Doak and Montler,[11] /e/ is used in the LPO orthography, equated with /ɛ/. Doak[12] explains that /ɛ/ ranges freely between [e], [ɛ], and [æ] with /ɛ/ being the most common variant. This gives clarity to her variance in representing the sound in vowel inventories of her website and her dissertation as /e/ or /ɛ/.
  5. Doak and Montler,[11] Doak,[12] and Doak[13] use the notation /x̣/ while Lyon[14] uses the notation /x̌/ to indicate the same phoneme and orthographic symbol. Okanagan[15] also utilizes the wedge notation for this same phoneme: /x̌/.
  6. Standard Salishan (LPO)[11] and Doak[12][13] uses the notation /ɬ/ while Lyon,[14] and Greenwood,[16] Nicodemus et al.,[9] and Reichard used the notation /ł/ in consonant inventories and orthographies in reference to the same sound which Doak[12] describes as bilateral.

Phonology[edit]

Consonants[edit]

In Coeur d'Alene, there are eleven places of articulation: labial, alveolar, palatoalveolar, lateral, labiovelar, uvular, labio-uvular, coronal pharyngeal, pharyngeal, labiopharyngeal, and laryngeal.[11][12] Doak identifies six manners of articulation: plain and glottalized voiceless stops and affricates, voiced stops and affricate, voiceless fricatives, and plain and glottalized resonants.[12][13][14][17]

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Pharyngeal Glottal
plain sibilant lateral labial plain labial plain labial
Stop tenuis p t t͡s ⟨c⟩ t͡ʃ ⟨č⟩ q ʔ
ejective t͡sʼ ⟨cʼ⟩ t͡ʃʼ ⟨čʼ⟩ kʷʼ qʷʼ
voiced b d d͡ʒ ⟨ǰ⟩ ɡʷ
Fricative s ɬ ⟨ł⟩ ʃ ⟨š⟩ χ ⟨x̣⟩ χʷ ⟨x̣ʷ⟩ h
Sonorant plain m n l j ⟨y⟩ w ʕ ʕʷ
glottalized ˀm ˀn ⟨yʼ⟩ ʕˀ ʕʷˀ
Rhotic plain r
glottalized

Vowels[edit]

Vowel inventory [13]
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e[a] (ə)[b] o
Low a
  1. ^ Doak[12] explains that /ɛ/ ranges freely between [e], [ɛ], and [æ] with /ɛ/ being the most common variant. Above, the phoneme /e/ has been used as Doak[13] does.
  • ^ The schwa /ə/ only occurs unstressed as a reduced form of some unstressed vowels.[13] It is also used by speakers to break up consonant clusters.
  • Morphology and syntax[edit]

    Coeur d'Alene is a morphosyntactically polysynthetic language. In Coeur d'Alene, a full clause can be expressed by affixing pronominal arguments and morphemes expressing aspect, transitivity and tense onto one verb stem (Doak,[13] 1997, p. 38). These affixes are discussed below.

    Basic intransitive clause structure[edit]

    The basic format of an intransitive thought as Doak[12] identifies can be found below:

    Subject – Aspect – Root

    Intransitive person markers[edit]

    The intransitive subjects of Coeur d'Alene appear as clitics (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 53), and their forms as well as examples from Doak (1997,[12] p. 53-54) are found below:

    Intransitive Subject Clitics
    Singular Plural
    1st Person Nom. čn č
    2nd Person Nom. kʷu kʷup
    3rd Person Abs. Ø (null) Ø (null) (-ilš)
    Example
    Singular Plural
    1st person

    čngʷič

    čngʷič

    ‘I saw.’

    čgʷič

    čgʷič

    ‘We saw.’

    2nd person

    kʷugʷič

    kʷugʷič

    ‘You saw.’

    kʷupgʷič

    kʷupgʷič

    ‘You folks saw.’

    3rd person

    gʷič

    gʷič

    ‘He saw.’

    gʷič(ilš)

    gʷič(ilš)

    ‘They saw.’

    Plural –ilš[edit]

    To clarify, the parentheses used around the suffix, -ilš, are meant to show that it is optional. This 3rd person plural, optional morpheme is used to give clarity that something within the sentence has plurality, whether it is the subject or the object is a matter of context. To illustrate this more clearly, Doak (1997,[12] p. 59) gives the example:

    (1)

    ʔácqʔəmstusilš

    ʔacqɛʔ

    go.out

    -m

    -m

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -3.ABS

    -s

    -3.ERG

    -ilš

    -PL

    ʔacqɛʔ -m -st(u) -Ø -s -ilš

    go.out -m -CAUS.TR -3.ABS -3.ERG -PL

    ‘He took them out.’/ ‘They took it out.’ / ‘They took them out.’

    Determiners[edit]

    There are three determiners and one oblique marker that help specify participants by joining clauses and their main predicates. Doak (1997,[12] p. 46-48).

    Det label example
    xʷε det₁ examples 2,3,4
    det₂ example 4
    ɬε det₃ example 1
    ʔε oblique example 3

    As a general rule, adjuncts that are introduced with a determiner specify the absolutive, accusative and nominative pronominal arguments, while both the determiner and oblique marker introduce ergative arguments. When an indefinite participant is not indicated on the predicate, the oblique alone is used to indicate this participant. — Doak (1997,[12] p. vii)

    Examples:

    (1)

    ɬuʔ

    prox₃

    niʔt̓εk̓ʷus

    lay.in.fire

    ɬa

    det₃

    stqʷíl̇k̇ʷup

    fire

     

     

    ɬuʔ niʔt̓εk̓ʷus ɬa stqʷíl̇k̇ʷup

    prox₃ lay.in.fire det₃ fire

    He lay in the fire.

    (2)

    ni

    Q

    kʷup

    you.folks

    ʔáccqεʔ

    go.out.PL

    xʷε

    det₁

    Lynn

    Lynn

    hiɬ

    CONN

    kʷu

    you

    ʔε

    person

     

     

    ni kʷup ʔáccqεʔ xʷε Lynn hiɬ kʷu ʔε

    Q you.folks go.out.PL det₁ Lynn CONN you person

    Did you go out with Lynn?

    (3)

    xεmínčs

    he.likes

    xʷε

    det₁

    čεsčšípnc

    he.will.chase.it

    xʷε

    det₁

    ʔε

    OBL

    sčíčεʔ

    horse

     

     

    xεmínčs xʷε čεsčšípnc xʷε ʔε sčíčεʔ

    he.likes det₁ he.will.chase.it det₁ OBL horse

    The horse likes to chase.

    (4)

    xʷε

    det₁

    ʔε

    OBL

    núnεʔs

    their.mother

    hiɬ

    and

    det₂

    pípεʔs…

    their.father…

     

     

    xʷε ʔε núnεʔs hiɬ cε pípεʔs…

    det₁ OBL their.mother and det₂ their.father…

    Their mother and their father ...

    Basic transitive clause structure[edit]

    The construction of a transitive sentence in Coeur d'Alene[12] is:

    Aspect – Root – Transitivizer – Object – Subject

    Transitivizers[edit]

    There are three types of transitives in Coeur d'Alene: simple, causative, and applicative. The different transitivizers in Coeur d'Alene are listed below as described by Bischoff (2011,[17] p. 27 modified).

    Transitivizing Morphemes
    Simple -t
    -nt
    Causative -st(u)
    Applicative -łt
    -tułt
    -š(i)t

    The lone -t and directive -nt transitivizers[edit]

    The lone -t (-t) and the directive transitivizer -nt (-dt) are the most commonly used in Coeur d'Alene (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 27). Doak (1997,[12] p. 115) suggests that these two are alternative forms of one another with the lone -t appearing before a limited number of roots. The person markers that follow these forms are the same in function and form: agent subjects and patient objects. Most often, these transitivizers indicate that the subject is an agent in control of his or her actions (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 27).

    (1)

    t'ápncɛs

    √t'áp

    √shoot

    -nt

    -DIR.TR

    -sɛ

    -1.ACC

    -s

    -3.ERG

    √t'áp -nt -sɛ -s

    √shoot -DIR.TR -1.ACC -3.ERG

    He shot me.' (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 114)

    (2)

    číłtəm

    √číł

    √give

    -t

    -TR

    -3.ABS

    -m

    -NTE

    √číł -t -Ø -m

    √give -TR -3.ABS -NTE

    'He was given it.' (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 28) Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    Causative transitivizer -st(u)[edit]

    The causative transitivizer -st(u) (-ct) has three primary functions. It is used to indicate customary aspect, causative construction where the subject causes something or someone to be something, and topical object construction (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 124). A unique set of m-initial objects for first and second person singular replace the s-initial morphemes when the construction is with a causative -st(u) transitivizer (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 29).

    (1)

    ʔɛcɡʷíčstmit

    ʔɛc-

    cust-

    √ɡʷíč

    √see

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -mi

    -2.ACC

    -t

    -1PL.ERG

    ʔɛc- √ɡʷíč -st(u) -mi -t

    cust- √see -CAUS.TR -2.ACC -1PL.ERG

    'We see you.' (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 126)

    (2)

    čicxʷúystmɛs

    čic-

    DIR-

    √xʷuy

    √go

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -mɛ(l)

    -1.ACC

    -s

    -3.ERG

    čic- √xʷuy -st(u) -mɛ(l) -s

    DIR- √go -CAUS.TR -1.ACC -3.ERG

    'He took me there.' (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 125-126)

    Applicative transitivizers[edit]

    Applicative transitivizers introduce a third participant into the argument structure, and alter the role of the object. This means the participant represented by the object person marking morpheme serves as a possessor or dative with the possessor applicative transitivizer -łt (-pra) and as a beneficiary or dative with the benefactive transitivizer -š(i)t (-bt). There is also a third, much less frequent, applicative -tułt. can also indicate a dative construction, indicating the object to which something is given. It is also worthwhile to note that third person arguments are only understood from context because Coeur d'Alene only marks two arguments on the predicate using person marking morphemes (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 30).

    Possessor applicative transitivizer -łt[edit]

    In transitive constructions with the possessor applicative -łt (-pra), the object marking on the predicate indicates the possessor, rather than the possessed, such as in Examples 1a and 1b below. In some cases, as in Example 1c below, -łt (-pra) serves to indicate a dative construction. In these cases, the role of the object shifts to dative (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 30-31).

    (1a)

    q'ʷíc'łcn

    √q'ʷíc’

    √fill

    -łt

    -POSS.APL.TR

    -si

    -2.ACC

    -n

    -1.ERG

    √q'ʷíc’ -łt -si -n

    √fill -POSS.APL.TR -2.ACC -1.ERG

    'I filled it for you.' (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 144)

    (1b)

    cúnmɛʔɬcn

    √cúnmɛʔ

    √teach

    -łt

    -POSS.APL.TR

    -si

    -2.ACC

    -n

    -1.ERG

    √cúnmɛʔ -łt -si -n

    √teach -POSS.APL.TR -2.ACC -1.ERG

    'I showed you how it's done.' (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 150)

    (1c)

    kʼʷnɛʔcuúʼcunmʼɛyʼłtɛlis

    kʼʷnɛʔ

    soon

    √cunmɛy+CVC

    √teach+REDUP<aug>

    -łt

    -POSS.APL.TR

    -ɛlis

    -1PL.ACC

    -s

    -3.ERG

    kʼʷnɛʔ √cunmɛy+CVC -łt -ɛlis -s

    soon {√teach+REDUP<aug>} -POSS.APL.TR -1PL.ACC -3.ERG

    'He will show us [how to do it].' ('He will teach 'x' to us.') (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 31; Doak,[12] 1997, p. 149)

    Benefactive applicative transitivizer -š(i)t[edit]

    In constructions with the benefactive applicative -š(i)t (-bt), the argument indicated by the ergative is agent and that by accusative/absolutive the beneficiary. The benefactive applicative may also function to characterize an object as a recipient (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 31).

    (1)

    nkʷínšicn

    √nkʷín

    √sing

    -šit

    -BEN.APL.TR

    -si

    -2.ACC

    -n

    -1.ERG

    √nkʷín -šit -si -n

    √sing -BEN.APL.TR -2.ACC -1.ERG

    'I sang to you.' (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 156)

    Dative applicative transitivizer -tułt[edit]

    The dative applicative -tułt is very rare, and the role of this applicative is uncertain other than that it introduces another participant into a sentence structure (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 157). The only examples Doak[12] gives only occur with third person or non-topic ergative person marking morphemes (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 32).

    (1)

    támtułc

    √tám

    √scorch

    -tułt

    -DAT.APL.TR

    -3.ABS

    -s

    -3.ERG

    √tám -tułt -Ø -s

    √scorch -DAT.APL.TR -3.ABS -3.ERG

    'He burned it for somebody.' (Doak,[12] 1997, p. 159)

    Transitive person markers[edit]

    Below are the transitive object morphemes, which appear as suffixes. The 3rd person is null. The following examples are taken from Doak (1997,[12] p. 55-64).

    Transitive Objects
    Singular Plural
    1st Person Acc. -sɛ(l)/-mɛ(l) -ɛl(i)
    2nd Person Acc. -si/-mi -ulm(i)
    3rd Person Abs. Ø (null) Ø (null) (-ilš)

    Notes on Transitive Objects

    1. The alternate forms of the 1st person singular accusative -sɛl/-mɛl and 2nd person singular accusative -si/-mi are selected with respect to the transitivizer used in the predicate, those occurring with m primarily occur with the causative transitivizer -st(u)- while all other transitivizers take those with s form. (Bischoff,[17] 2011, p. 16)
    2. The /l/ in parentheses indicates optionality in phonetic articulation, due to phonological reductions. The phoneme /l/ appears as in examples 1a and 1b before the non-topic ergative object -m and with the 2nd person plural ergative subject -p.

    Transitive object examples[edit]

    (1a)

    c’úw’ncɛlm

    √c’uw’

    √hit

    -nt

    -DIR.TR

    -sɛl

    -1.ACC

    -m

    -NTE

    √c’uw’ -nt -sɛl -m

    √hit -DIR.TR -1.ACC -NTE

    'I got hit.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1b)

    púlustmɛlm

    √pulut

    √kill

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -mɛl

    -1.ACC

    -m

    -NTE

    √pulut -st(u) -mɛl -m

    √kill -CAUS.TR -1.ACC -NTE

    'I got killed.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1c)

    číłšitɛlit

    √čił

    √give

    -šit

    -bt

    -ɛli

    -1PL.ACC

    -t

    -NTE

    √čił -šit -ɛli -t

    √give -bt -1PL.ACC -NTE

    'We were given some.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1d)

    c’úw’ncis

    √c’uw’

    √hit

    -nt

    -DIR.TR

    -si

    -2.ACC

    -s

    -3erg

    √c’uw’ -nt -si -s

    √hit -DIR.TR -2.ACC -3erg

    'He hit you.'[12]

    (1e)

    púlustmit

    √pulut

    √kill

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -mi

    -2.ACC

    -t

    -NTE

    √pulut -st(u) -mi -t

    √kill -CAUS.TR -2.ACC -NTE

    'You got killed.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1f)

    miʔmiʔšítulmit

    √mɛy’+CVC

    √know+{CVC}

    -šit

    -bt

    -ulmi

    -2PL.ACC

    -t

    -NTE

    √mɛy’+CVC -šit -ulmi -t

    √know+{CVC} -bt -2PL.ACC -NTE

    'You folks were told stories.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1g)

    miʔmiʔšítmɛt

    √mɛy’+CVC

    √know+{CVC}

    -šit

    -bt

    -3.ABS

    -mɛt

    -1PL.ERG

    √mɛy’+CVC -šit -mɛt

    √know+{CVC} -bt -3.ABS -1PL.ERG

    'We told him stories.'[12]

    (1h)

    číɬšitmilš

    √čiɬ

    √give

    -šit

    -bt

    -3.ABS

    -m

    -NTE

    -ilš

    -3PL

    √čiɬ -šit -m -ilš

    √give -bt -3.ABS -NTE -3PL

    'They were given some.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    There is also a second set of transitive objects in Coeur d'Alene also appear as suffixes, which Doak[12] identifies as non-topic ergative objects (NTE). Following examples from Doak (1997,[12] p. 57-63)

    Non-Topic Ergative Objects
    Singular Plural
    1st NTE -m -t
    2nd NTE -t -t
    3rd NTE -m -m (-ilš)

    Non-topic ergative object examples[edit]

    (1a)

    púlustmɛlm

    √pulut

    √kill

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -mɛl

    -1.ACC

    -m

    -NTE

    √pulut -st(u) -mɛl -m

    √kill -CAUS.TR -1.ACC -NTE

    'I got killed.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1b)

    číɬšitɛlit

    √čiɬ

    √give

    -šit

    -bt

    -ɛli

    -1PL.ACC

    -t

    -NTE

    √čiɬ -šit -ɛli -t

    √give -bt -1PL.ACC -NTE

    'We were given some.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1c)

    púlustmit

    √pulut

    √kill

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -mi

    -2.ACC

    -t

    -NTE

    √pulut -st(u) -mi -t

    √kill -CAUS.TR -2.ACC -NTE

    'You got killed.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (1d)

    cúnmɛʔntɛlit

    √cun

    √point

    √mey

    √know

    -nt

    -DIR.TR

    -ɛli

    -2PL.ACC

    -t

    -NTE

    √cun √mey -nt -ɛli -t

    √point √know -DIR.TR -2PL.ACC -NTE

    'We were taught.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    'He got hit on the side.'[12]

    (1f)

    číɬšitmilš

    √čiɬ

    √give

    -šit

    -bt

    -3.ABS

    -m

    -NTE

    -ilš

    -3PL

    √čiɬ -šit -Ø -m -ilš

    √give -bt -3.ABS -NTE -3PL

    'They were given some.'[12] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    The transitive subjects of Ergative case also appear as suffixes in Coeur d'Alene, and examples from Doak (1997,[12] p. 56-63) are given below.

    Ergative Transitive Subjects
    Singular Plural
    1st Person Erg. -n -(mɛ)t
    2nd Person Erg. -xʷ -p
    3rd Person Erg. -s -s (-ilš)
    NTE -m/-t -t/-m

    Ergative transitive subject examples[edit]

    (1a)

    t’ápn

    √t’ap

    √shoot

    -nt

    -DIR.TR

    -3.ABS

    -n

    -1.ERG

    √t’ap -nt -Ø -n

    √shoot -DIR.TR -3.ABS -1.ERG

    'I shot him.'[12]

    (1b)

    máqʷəntmɛt

    √maqʷ

    √stack

    -nt

    -DIR.TR

    -3.ABS

    -mɛt

    -1PL.ERG

    √maqʷ -nt -Ø -mɛt

    √stack -DIR.TR -3.ABS -1PL.ERG

    'We piled up rocks, sacks of wheat.'[12]

    (1c)

    q’ʷíc’ɬcɛxʷ

    √q’ʷic’

    √fill

    -ɬt

    -POSS.APL.TR

    -sɛl

    -1.ACC

    -xʷ

    -2.ERG

    √q’ʷic’ -ɬt -sɛl -xʷ

    √fill -POSS.APL.TR -1.ACC -2.ERG

    'You filled it for me.'[12]

    (1d)

    q’ʷíc’ɬcɛlp

    √q’ʷic’

    √fill

    -ɬt

    -POSS.APL.TR

    -sɛl

    -1.ACC

    -p

    -2PL.ERG

    √q’ʷic’ -ɬt -sɛl -p

    √fill -POSS.APL.TR -1.ACC -2PL.ERG

    'You folks filled it for me.'[12]

    (1e)

    c’úw’ncis

    √c’uw’

    √hit

    -nt

    -DIR.TR

    -si

    -2acc

    -s

    -3.ERG

    √c’uw’ -nt -si -s

    √hit -DIR.TR -2acc -3.ERG

    'He hit you.'[12]

    (1f)

    ʔácqʔəmstusilš

    √ʔacqɛʔ

    √go.out

    -m

    -m

    -st(u)

    -CAUS.TR

    -3.ABS

    -s

    -3.ERG

    -ilš

    -PL

    √ʔacqɛʔ -m -st(u) -Ø -s -ilš

    √go.out -m -CAUS.TR -3.ABS -3.ERG -PL

    'He took them out.'/ 'They took it out.' / 'They took them out.'[12]

    Genitive structures are used to create possessives in Coeur d'Alene (Doak 1997,[12] p. 169). Examples below are taken from Doak (1997,[12] p. 69-71).

    Genitive Pronouns
    Singular Plural
    1st Person Gen. hn- -ɛt
    2nd Person Gen. in- -mp
    3rd Person Gen. -s -s (-ilš)

    Genitive pronoun examples[edit]

    (1a)

    histíʔ

    hn-

    1.GEN-

    stiʔ

    thing

    hn- stiʔ

    1.GEN- thing

    'It's mine.'[12]

    (1b)

    cɛtxʷɛt

    cɛtxʷ

    house

    -ɛt

    -1PL.GEN

    cɛtxʷ -ɛt

    house -1PL.GEN

    'It's our house.'[12]

    (1c)

    istíʔ

    in-

    2.GEN-

    stiʔ

    thing

    in- stiʔ

    2.GEN- thing

    'It's yours.'[12]

    (1d)

    cɛtxʷmp

    cɛtxʷ

    house

    -mp

    -2PL.GEN

    cɛtxʷ -mp

    house -2PL.GEN

    'It's your (pl.) house.'[12]

    (1e)

    stiʔs

    stiʔ

    thing

    -s

    -3.GEN

    stiʔ -s

    thing -3.GEN

    'It's his/hers.'[12]

    (1f)

    stíʔsilš

    stiʔ

    thing

    -s

    -3.GEN

    -ilš

    -3PL

    stiʔ -s -ilš

    thing -3.GEN -3PL

    'It's theirs.'[12]

    Predicate Pronominal forms may stand alone as predicates or may serve as emphatic adjuncts. The forms are constructed as intransitive predicates with morphology and unanalyzable roots used nowhere else, and examples are given below (Doak, 1997,[12] p. 72-73).

    Predicate pronominal examples[edit]

    [12]
    Singular Plural
    1st person čn ʔɛngʷt č lípust
    2nd person kʷu ʔɛngʷt kʷup lípust
    3rd person cɛnil cənílilš

    Aspect[edit]

    There are three aspects in Coeur d'Alene. The first is the completive, which has no morpheme marker. The completive aspect refers to an action that was completed in the past (Bischoff, 2011,[17] p. 22; Reichard, 1938,[18] p. 574).

    (1)

    čn mílʼxʷ

    čn-

    1.NOM-

    Ø-

    COMP-

    √mílxʷ

    √smoke

    čn- Ø- √mílxʷ

    1.NOM- COMP- √smoke

    'I smoked.' (Doak, 1997,[12] p. 83)

    The second is the customary aspect, characterized by the prefix morpheme, ʔɛc- (Doak, 1997,[12] p. 85).

    (2)

    čʔɛcʼkʼʷúl’

    č-

    1PL.NOM-

    ʔɛc-

    CUS-

    √kʼʷúl

    √work

    č- ʔɛc- √kʼʷúl

    1PL.NOM- CUS- √work

    'We work.' (Doak, 1997,[12] p. 85)

    The third aspect is the continuative, indicated by the prefix morpheme y’c-.

    (3)

    čiʔcɡʷíčəm

    čn-

    1.NOM

    y’c-

    CONT-

    √ɡʷíč

    √see

    čn- y’c- √ɡʷíč

    1.NOM CONT- √see

    'I am seeing.' (Doak 1997,[12] p. 106)

    Tense[edit]

    In addition to aspect in Coeur d'Alene, there is evidence of realis and irrealis. Realis and irrealis marks a distinction between time that the speaker can directly perceive through his or her own knowledge or senses (realis) and that which is conjectured known of hypothetically, distantly, or by hearsay (irrealis). Only examples of irrealis are attested in Coeur d'Alene (Doak 1997,[13] p. 188).

    Irrealis is indicated in the same way as an aspect marker, by a particle occurring before the verb. The irrealis particle is nεʔ. There are no examples of both an aspect marker and irrealis occurring in the same predicate (Doak 1997, [13] p. 189).

    (1)

    nεʔ uɬčicʔʔεĺəĺ xʷε inú…..

    nεʔ

    IRR

    uɬ-čic

    again-LOC

    √ʔεĺ+C₂

    √move+NCR

    xʷε

    det₁

    in

    2.GEN

    √nunεʔ

    √mother

    nεʔ uɬ-čic √ʔεĺ+C₂ xʷε in √nunεʔ

    IRR again-LOC √move+NCR det₁ 2.GEN √mother

    "When your mom gets back ..." (Doak 1997, [13]p. 188.) Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);

    (2)

    nεʔ ʔεkʷústmεt xʷε q̀ʷadəlqs

    nεʔ

    IRR

    √ʔεkʷun-stu-ø-mεt

    √say-CAUS.TR-3.ABS-1PL.ERG

    xʷε

    det

    √q̀ʷεd=alqs

    √black=clothes

    nεʔ √ʔεkʷun-stu-ø-mεt xʷε √q̀ʷεd=alqs

    IRR √say-CAUS.TR-3.ABS-1PL.ERG det √black=clothes

    "We'll tell the black robes" [or monks] (Doak 1997,[13] p. 189.)

    References[edit]

    1. ^ "UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in danger". www.unesco.org. Retrieved 2018-05-20.
  • ^ Lewis, M. Paul (ed.) (2009). "Coeur d'Alene: Ethnologue report for language code: crd". Ethnologue: Languages of the World (16th ed.). Dallas, TX: SIL International. Retrieved 2012-12-26. {{cite book}}: |last= has generic name (help)
  • ^ a b c d Kramer, Becky (2014-01-25). "North Idaho College offers instruction in Coeur d'Alene language". The Spokesman-Review, Spokesman.com. Retrieved 2014-02-27.
  • ^ "Native Names: Rural broadband access preserves Native American cultural history" (PDF). Media Democracy Fund. Retrieved 2012-12-26.[permanent dead link]
  • ^ "Coeur d' Alene Tribe - Language Dept". Archived from the original on 2013-06-26. Retrieved 2012-12-26.
  • ^ "Coeur d'Alene: Cultural Preservation: Language Center". L³ - The Lewis And Clark Rediscovery Project. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2012-12-26.
  • ^ "Audio Alerts in snchitsu'umshtsn for Computers". Coeur d'Alene Tribe. Archived from the original on 2011-11-25. Retrieved 2012-12-26.
  • ^ Becky Kramer (2009-01-09). "SR.com: Tribe gets OK for radio station". Retrieved 2012-12-26.
  • ^ a b c Nicodemus, L., Matt, W., Hess, R., Sobbing, G., Wagner, J. M., & Allen, D. (2000). Snchitsu’umshtsn: Coeur d'Alene reference book. Plummer, ID: Coeur d'Alene Tribe.
  • ^ Bischoff, S., Doak, I., Fountain, A., Ivens, J., & Vincent, A. (2013). The Coeur d'Alene Online Language Resource Center. Retrieved from The Coeur d'Alene Online Language Resource Center: http://lasrv01.ipfw.edu/COLRC/ Archived 2015-04-10 at the Wayback Machine
  • ^ a b c d e f g h i Doak, I. G., & Montler, T. (2000). Orthography, lexicography and language change. Proceedings of the fourth FEL Conference. Charlotte, NC: Foundation for Endangered Languages.
  • ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi bj bk bl bm bn bo bp Doak, I. G. (1997). Coeur d'Alene grammatical relations (Doctorate dissertation). Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin.
  • ^ a b c d e f Doak, I. G., & Montler, T. (2006). Coeur d'Alene Phonology. 17 July 2006. Web. Jan. 2015. Online: http://ivydoak.com/Coeurd'Alene/grammar/crphon.htm
  • ^ a b c Lyon, J. (2005). An edition of Snchitsu’umshtsn: volume II: A root dictionary (Master's thesis). Missoula, MT: University of Montana.
  • ^ Pattison, Lois C. (1978). Douglas Lake Okanagan: Phonology and Morphology. M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia.
  • ^ Lyon, J., & Greene-Wood, R. (2007). Lawrence Nicodemus's Coeur d'Alene dictionary in root format. Missoula, MT: UMOPL.
  • ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Bischoff, S. (2011). Formal notes on Coeur d'Alene clause structure. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholar Press.
  • ^ Reichard, G. A. (1938). Coeur d'Alene. In F. Boas, Handbook of American Indian languages Part 3 (pp. 515–707). New York: J. J. Augustin, Inc.
  • TR:transitivizer DIR:directive POSS:possessor

    External links[edit]


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